Text of report by Qatari government-funded aljazeera.net website on 21 August
[Report by Muhammad al-Najjar, datelined Amman: "A Celebration for the Jordanian Prisoners Turns Into a Forum to Praise the Resistance."]
Amman -A rally celebrating the freedom of four Jordanian prisoners held on the evening of Wednesday 20 August 2008 turned into an occasion to affirm the course of resistance as the only way to regain rights, and into a forum for rejecting the course of negotiations and peaceful solutions with Israel.
Jordanian professional unions and opposition parties and the National Committee for Prisoners and Missing Persons in Israel had called for the rally which was held amid a vast mass audience. The rally celebrated the freed prisoners: Sultan al-Ajluni, Salim Abu-Ghulyun, Khalid Abu-Ghulyun, and Amin al-Sani, after 18 years of captivity in Israel.
Another Crossing
The dean of Jordanian prisoners, Sultan al-Ajluni, aroused the enthusiasm of the big crowd when he swore that he would cross the Jordan River once again, but not alone as was the case in the past -in a reference to the operation he carried out in 1990 on the Jordanian border with Palestine when he killed one Israeli soldier and wounded another -but in the company of the entire "nation [ummah]," as he said.
Al-Ajluni strongly criticized the course of negotiations, and saluted the resistance factions in Lebanon and Palestine that opted for resistance as a way to free the prisoners in enemy jails.
The professional unions' compound in the centre of Amman was the scene of a notable climate of celebrations marking the freedom of the four prisoners, during which there was a fireworks display and speeches were given, while the crowd interacted with songs presented by the Al-Yarmuk Group.
In the forefront of those attending the rally were political and party leaders, MPs, and the families of prisoners and missing persons in Israel.
The Sleep of the Keepers
The dissident Layth Shubaylat said that the freed prisoners deserved this celebration by their struggle "because the nation's keepers have ignored the invading foxes which would not have won if the nation's keepers had not slept."
Shubaylat strongly criticized the Jordanian-Israeli peace treaty that was signed in 1994, describing it as "humiliating", adding that the treaty "abandoned the prisoners."
The secretary general of the Islamic Action Front, Zaki Bani-Irshayd, said he did not find a single stand for which the Jordanian Government deserves to be thanked in connection with the case of the prisoners, those who have been freed, and those who are still missing.
However, Bani-Irshayd said "he will be thankful and thankful to the government if it were to free the Jordanian soldier Ahmad al-Daqasimah tomorrow."
Al-Daqasimah is a Jordanian soldier who killed eight Jewish female students at a Jordanian-Israeli crossing point in 1996. He was sentenced to life imprisonment by a Jordanian military court. Al-Daqasimah had said during his trial that he opened fire at the students after they had made fun of him while he was praying.
Fadwa al-Barghuti -the wife of the imprisoned Palestinian struggler Marwan al-Barghuti - who attended the rally, welcomed the release of the four prisoners and said that Israeli shackles will not continue for long to detain the heroic prisoners.
A Nation's Cause
In a statement to Al-Jazeera Net Fadwa al-Barghuti added: "Today we celebrate the freeing of the prisoners in Jordan, and recently we celebrated in Lebanon [the release of prisoners], and in a few days we will celebrate the freeing of Sa'id al-Utbah after 32 years of captivity in Israeli jails, as well as Abu-Ali Yatta and others."
Al-Barghuti said the prisoners' cause "is not the cause of the Palestinians alone, for it is the cause of the nation and is a pan-Arab, Muslim, and moral cause."
She called on all the good people of the nation to help the Palestinians to heal their internal rift. She described the Palestinian division as "a black page in the history of the struggle of the Palestinian people," adding that "we cannot face the occupiers unless we are united."
Al-Ajluni had responded to all those who try to separate the destiny of Jordan from that of Palestine. He said: "Jordan and Palestine are like the two eyes in the same head. They are like one's two parents, and are like the Muslim's two testimonies [that there is no god but God, and that Muhammad is His prophet]."
He described the stage of imprisonment as "a respite", and said: "The time of respite has gone and the time of hard work has begun."
Al-Ajluni wore the shirt of the Jordanian who has been missing since 1990, Muhammad Atiyah Furayj. He said such an act represents a pledge on his part to work with all those concerned in order to uncover the fate of Jordanians missing in Israel.
Al-Ajluni said both the great public empathy with the cause of the four prisoners and the big crowd attending the rally represent a popular referendum on holding on to the course of resistance which he described as "the people's choice", while he rejected the course of negotiations which he said is "the rulers' choice."
Popular celebrations marking the release of the four prisoners will continue on Thursday, 21 August, in the city of Al-Mafraq, 65 km east of Amman, and celebrations will also be held in several Jordanian cities in the coming days.
During the celebration, 53 balloons carrying messages of love to 25 Jordanian prisoners and 28 missing Jordanians in Israel were released into the sky.
Source: Aljazeera.net website, Doha, in Arabic 21 Aug 08
Showing posts with label Jordan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Jordan. Show all posts
Friday, 22 August 2008
Tuesday, 19 August 2008
Paper sees improved Jordan-Hamas ties as "clever political realism"
Hamas is a legitimate resistance organization and not a terrorist organization. This is the opinion, which the majority of Jordanians hold of the movement. But how has Jordanian public opinion changed towards Hamas throughout the past several years and how has the relationship between the Jordanian state and the movement changed and what are the affects of all that on public opinion?
The percentage of Jordanians, who knew Hamas as a legitimate resistance organization in 2004 was about 87 per cent. This percentage dropped to a low level in June 2008 reaching 59 per cent. And, in the latest survey held during the period 12-14 August 2008, the percentage of those who knew Hamas as a legitimate resistance organization went up to 71 per cent. What is the significance of these changes?
The drop in the percentage of those who knew Hamas as a legitimate resistance organization to 59 per cent in June was the result of an accumulation of several factors that affected Hamas Movement's image before the Jordanian pubic. One of these factors was the failure of the movement to present a good governance model due to its siege by Israel and the world despite its triumph in free and honest elections. Thus, it was not able to reduce the sufferings of the Palestinian people; in other words, it did not succeed in governing due to several reasons, including intrinsic reasons that concern the movement itself. Moreover the movement's involvement in an armed conflict with Fatah leading to its control of Gaza led to an ugly siege of the strip and its population.
Official Jordanian relations with Hamas Movement were not at their best, especially in the last three years. The strong influence of these factors on Jordanian public opinion differ according to the time, the prevalent regional conditions and their effects on the balance of interests and stands.
Only one of these factors changed, which is the improvement in the relations between Jordan and Hamas Movement. This was perhaps the main reason for the rise in the percentage of those who say that Hamas is a legitimate resistance organization from 59 to 71 per cent. But there are other associated reasons, such as that the Palestinian leadership's wager on the negotiations with Israel did away with the remaining credibility in the leaderships of Fatah Movement and the Palestinian [National] Authority, which kept predicting an imminent breakthrough in the peace talks and the achievement of a solution, which turned out not to be the case. In this atmosphere, the Fatah moderate plan lost in favour of the Hamas Movement discourse.
Meanwhile, the confrontation axis won several rounds, including another Hezbollah political victory over Israel by the release of the prisoners, which led partially to raising the percentage of those who say that it is a legitimate resistance organization from 54 per cent in June to 66 per cent in August 2008.
Jordan enjoys a strong relationship with the United States, which considers Hamas a terrorist organization. It also has a peace treaty with Israel, Hamas Movement's enemy number one. Moreover, it opens its lines to Hamas and retains them with Fatah. It also opens up to Iraq without harming its other Arab and regional relations. This is the clever political realism that calls for positive engagements with others who are influential in the region and harmonizing with Jordanian public opinion to guarantee the interests of Jordan and its good people.
Source: Al-Ra'y, Amman, in Arabic 18 Aug 08
The percentage of Jordanians, who knew Hamas as a legitimate resistance organization in 2004 was about 87 per cent. This percentage dropped to a low level in June 2008 reaching 59 per cent. And, in the latest survey held during the period 12-14 August 2008, the percentage of those who knew Hamas as a legitimate resistance organization went up to 71 per cent. What is the significance of these changes?
The drop in the percentage of those who knew Hamas as a legitimate resistance organization to 59 per cent in June was the result of an accumulation of several factors that affected Hamas Movement's image before the Jordanian pubic. One of these factors was the failure of the movement to present a good governance model due to its siege by Israel and the world despite its triumph in free and honest elections. Thus, it was not able to reduce the sufferings of the Palestinian people; in other words, it did not succeed in governing due to several reasons, including intrinsic reasons that concern the movement itself. Moreover the movement's involvement in an armed conflict with Fatah leading to its control of Gaza led to an ugly siege of the strip and its population.
Official Jordanian relations with Hamas Movement were not at their best, especially in the last three years. The strong influence of these factors on Jordanian public opinion differ according to the time, the prevalent regional conditions and their effects on the balance of interests and stands.
Only one of these factors changed, which is the improvement in the relations between Jordan and Hamas Movement. This was perhaps the main reason for the rise in the percentage of those who say that Hamas is a legitimate resistance organization from 59 to 71 per cent. But there are other associated reasons, such as that the Palestinian leadership's wager on the negotiations with Israel did away with the remaining credibility in the leaderships of Fatah Movement and the Palestinian [National] Authority, which kept predicting an imminent breakthrough in the peace talks and the achievement of a solution, which turned out not to be the case. In this atmosphere, the Fatah moderate plan lost in favour of the Hamas Movement discourse.
Meanwhile, the confrontation axis won several rounds, including another Hezbollah political victory over Israel by the release of the prisoners, which led partially to raising the percentage of those who say that it is a legitimate resistance organization from 54 per cent in June to 66 per cent in August 2008.
Jordan enjoys a strong relationship with the United States, which considers Hamas a terrorist organization. It also has a peace treaty with Israel, Hamas Movement's enemy number one. Moreover, it opens its lines to Hamas and retains them with Fatah. It also opens up to Iraq without harming its other Arab and regional relations. This is the clever political realism that calls for positive engagements with others who are influential in the region and harmonizing with Jordanian public opinion to guarantee the interests of Jordan and its good people.
Source: Al-Ra'y, Amman, in Arabic 18 Aug 08
Monday, 18 August 2008
Lion of Jordan: The Life of King Hussein in War and Peace
Lion of Jordan: The Life of King Hussein in War and Peace. By Avi Shlaim. Sept. 2008. 752p. Knopf, $35 (978 1400043057). 956.9504.
The late King Hussein of Jordan was the favorite Arab ruler of both Israeli and other Western leaders, often referred to affectionately as the PLK (plucky little king). Professor Shlaim has written a massive, engrossing, and provocative biography of Hussein that is likely to engender controversy, because it is not a balanced work. Shlaim is a strong admirer of Hussein, and he is highly critical of most Israeli politicians, particularly in their dealings with Hussein. Still, this isn't a hagiography; Shlaim views Hussein as a man constantly forced to reconcile his primary goal, the preservation of the Hashemite dynasty, with the aims of Arab-particularly Palestinian- nationalists. This tension led to his disastrous decision to intervene in the Six Day War and the loss of the West Bank to Israel. The core of the book examines Hussein's frequent meetings with Israelis after that war, as he sought peace at great personal risk. Hussein is described as flexible and willing to compromise, while Israelis are seen as rigid and consistently devoted to territorial expansion. This is a revealing, important work, but Shaim's analyses of these negotiations will be hotly debated. -Jay Freeman
The late King [Hussein] of Jordan was the favorite Arab ruler of both Israeli and other Western leaders, often referred to affectionately as the PLK (plucky little king). Professor [Shlaim] has written a massive, engrossing, and provocative biography of Hussein that is likely to engender controversy, because it is not a balanced work.
The late King Hussein of Jordan was the favorite Arab ruler of both Israeli and other Western leaders, often referred to affectionately as the PLK (plucky little king). Professor Shlaim has written a massive, engrossing, and provocative biography of Hussein that is likely to engender controversy, because it is not a balanced work. Shlaim is a strong admirer of Hussein, and he is highly critical of most Israeli politicians, particularly in their dealings with Hussein. Still, this isn't a hagiography; Shlaim views Hussein as a man constantly forced to reconcile his primary goal, the preservation of the Hashemite dynasty, with the aims of Arab-particularly Palestinian- nationalists. This tension led to his disastrous decision to intervene in the Six Day War and the loss of the West Bank to Israel. The core of the book examines Hussein's frequent meetings with Israelis after that war, as he sought peace at great personal risk. Hussein is described as flexible and willing to compromise, while Israelis are seen as rigid and consistently devoted to territorial expansion. This is a revealing, important work, but Shaim's analyses of these negotiations will be hotly debated. -Jay Freeman
The late King [Hussein] of Jordan was the favorite Arab ruler of both Israeli and other Western leaders, often referred to affectionately as the PLK (plucky little king). Professor [Shlaim] has written a massive, engrossing, and provocative biography of Hussein that is likely to engender controversy, because it is not a balanced work.
Jordan rejects Israeli participation in Al-Aqsa Mosque maintenance
Amman - Al-Dustur - The Israeli occupation authorities keep working on Judaizing the holy city and controlling the Al-Aqsa Mosque tightly, using all means and methods, particularly unethical means violating international laws and the Fourth Geneva Convention.
Those Israeli conspiracies against the holy mosque are not new. Rather, they have begun with occupying the holy city in 1967, when Israeli Army Minister Dayan led dig work under the mosque, which has not stopped up to this moment. The excavations have been obviously aiming to destroy the Al-Aqsa Mosque and to set up the alleged Temple in its place.
Those who follow up the UNESCO meetings would see that Israel insists on entering the Al-Aqsa Mosque through international organizations under the pretext of taking part in maintenance and reconstruction. This had been repeatedly rejected by Jordan, which has a custodial role over holy sites, as article nine of the 1994 Jordanian-Israeli Peace Treaty stipulates a special Jordanian role in the Muslim holy shrines in occupied Jerusalem.
In this regard, and after the ruin of the Dung Gate bridge due to Israeli excavations, Israel presented a project to the UNESCO to set up a bridge instead of the old destroyed one. However, Jordan rejected this proposal and insisted that it represents the sole party entitled to supervise the mosque. Therefore, it presented a design for the aforementioned bridge, which the UNESCO considered the best and called on Israel to cooperate with the Jordanian side and to allow Jordanian technical teams to inspect the site and proceed with required technical procedures. On the other hand, the occupation authorities disregard this and insist on taking part. However, Jordan has rejected this and continues to reject it in order to hamper Israel's aims to take charge of the mosque and implement its malevolent plans through participation.
Source: Al-Dustur, Amman, in Arabic 17 Aug 08
Those Israeli conspiracies against the holy mosque are not new. Rather, they have begun with occupying the holy city in 1967, when Israeli Army Minister Dayan led dig work under the mosque, which has not stopped up to this moment. The excavations have been obviously aiming to destroy the Al-Aqsa Mosque and to set up the alleged Temple in its place.
Those who follow up the UNESCO meetings would see that Israel insists on entering the Al-Aqsa Mosque through international organizations under the pretext of taking part in maintenance and reconstruction. This had been repeatedly rejected by Jordan, which has a custodial role over holy sites, as article nine of the 1994 Jordanian-Israeli Peace Treaty stipulates a special Jordanian role in the Muslim holy shrines in occupied Jerusalem.
In this regard, and after the ruin of the Dung Gate bridge due to Israeli excavations, Israel presented a project to the UNESCO to set up a bridge instead of the old destroyed one. However, Jordan rejected this proposal and insisted that it represents the sole party entitled to supervise the mosque. Therefore, it presented a design for the aforementioned bridge, which the UNESCO considered the best and called on Israel to cooperate with the Jordanian side and to allow Jordanian technical teams to inspect the site and proceed with required technical procedures. On the other hand, the occupation authorities disregard this and insist on taking part. However, Jordan has rejected this and continues to reject it in order to hamper Israel's aims to take charge of the mosque and implement its malevolent plans through participation.
Source: Al-Dustur, Amman, in Arabic 17 Aug 08
Tuesday, 15 July 2008
In Jordan, a Blend of Cultures
AMMAN, Jordan -- With Iraq to the east, Syria to the north, Israel to the west and Saudi Arabia to the south, Jordan is in the eye of the Middle Eastern storm. Despite its proximity to conflict, Amman, the capital, is a very peaceful place where people come to do business, leaving their disputes at the border.
''It's a very livable city,'' said Robert Pingeon, a New Yorker who moved to Amman in 2006 with his wife, Emily Lodge. Both work for an energy consultancy that has projects in Iraq and throughout the Middle East.
''The climate is wonderful,'' Mr. Pingeon said. ''It's one of the highest cities in the Middle East, making it cooler during summer. It's also a great place to get to other places -- Beirut, Damascus, Jerusalem, Tel Aviv -- they're all only a short distance away.''
Ms. Lodge, who is originally from Boston, agreed. ''The beauty of the desert and the archaeological sites around here is exceptional,'' she said. ''There's also a great generosity and openness about the people.'' The city is close to archaeological destinations like the ''rose-red city'' of Petra and the well-preserved Roman compound of Jerash.
The couple own a 310-square-meter (3,337-square-foot) apartment, which also has a 60-square-meter (645-square-foot) penthouse one floor up. Its 100-square-meter (1,076-square-foot) terrace has a panoramic view of the city from three sides of the building. ''It's like the Fourth of July up here most nights,'' Mr. Pingeon said, ''as you can see fireworks going off all over Amman for weddings and celebrations.''
The apartment has three bedrooms and two bathrooms, with an additional bedroom and bath in the penthouse.
The Jordanian capital spreads out across a series of hills. In the past few years many new buildings have increased the height of the skyline, although there are still very few skyscrapers in this city of around 1.2 million inhabitants.
At its core is the Citadel, which has a Roman temple and amphitheater, surrounded by Ottoman-era stone houses. Farther out, a series of numbered traffic circles are used to define neighborhoods. The city also has eastern and western districts, the latter being the more affluent.
The staff members of embassies, aid groups and international and nongovernment organizations own or rent much of Amman's housing. With many neighboring countries considered unsafe or politically sensitive, Amman is the natural place for the United Nations, the Red Cross/Red Crescent and many other aid groups and international organizations to put their regional headquarters. The United States maintains one of its largest embassies here. In addition, Amman's reputation as a safe haven is attracting many Palestinian, and now Iraqi, refugees.
Foreigners are allowed to buy property in Jordan if the internal security department gives permission, which generally is not difficult for Westerners to obtain. However, a law designed to discourage speculation prohibits resale for the first three years of ownership.
Mr. Pingeon and Ms. Lodge's apartment is close to the Fourth Circle and the Abdoun district of West Amman, which is popular among diplomats and expatriate executives as well as locals. (Other such areas include Jebal Amman and Dabouq.)
Residential sales prices in all areas of the city increased in the last few years. According to Nirvana Ilich, head of rentals for Abdoun Real Estate, a leading property agency, ''a 200-square-meter apartment in Abdoun, which was selling for 500 Jordanian dinars a square meter two years ago, would now go for at least 1,000 dinars a square meter.'' (A dollar is worth dinars.) A 2,152-square-foot apartment, which sold for $66.45 per square foot two years ago, would now sell for twice that amount. Apartments like Mr. Pingeon and Ms. Lodge's could sell for 500,000 dinars, or $710,732, she said.
''Rentals, too, have shot up,'' Ms. Ilich added. ''In fact, many foreigners are starting to buy here because the rentals are so high.'' A 100-square-meter (1,076-square-foot) apartment she recently rented out near the American Embassy in Abdoun went for about $1,500 a month, she said. (Higher-end apartments are often priced in dollars.)
The blend of cultures has contributed greatly to the city's artistic scene -- something that was a help when Mr. Pingeon and Ms. Lodge began decorating their apartment. In relying on local artists and designers, they created a home that combines a wide range of influences.
''In Amman, we are at a crossroads,'' Ms. Lodge said. ''We are in the Middle East, between the Mediterranean and Indian worlds, the African and Asian. This has been a meeting place of cultures since before the Bible.''
The apartment reflects that idea. In its large entrance hall, Fortuny silk lampshades from Italy cast light on Persian carpets. There are chairs made from wooden wheat threshers by a local Palestinian designer; there are Iraqi fabrics, Western color schemes and modernist furniture, all blending together.
There is a similar mix in the home of Adnan Habboo and Aysar Akrawi, an Iraqi-American couple who live in a 557-square meter (6,000-square-foot) apartment, also near the Fourth Circle, with four bedrooms and two bathrooms.
In their living room, a finely worked Hand of Fatima, a Muslim symbol, stands next to a statuette inscribed with sacred Jewish texts. In another corner is a Syrian painting of the Virgin and Child with the names of Muslim prophets inscribed in its corners.
''If someone asked me about moving to Amman, I'd say don't hesitate,'' Mr. Habboo said. ''Don't give it a moment's thought. It's a place that gives you a beautiful blend of tradition and more liberal cosmopolitanism.''
Mr. Habboo and Ms. Akrawi both grew up in Baghdad, leaving Iraq in 1974 and eventually moving to the United States, where they lived in Chicago and New York. Their daughter is still in New York, working for National Geographic magazine.
Both of them are staunch supporters of monarchy, the Jordanian form of government. ''It gives the country an extra degree of political stability,'' Mr. Habboo said, referring to King Abdullah, whose government is friendly to the West and to other Arab nations.
Most expatriates in Amman say fears about political stability and security in the Arab world seem very exaggerated when it comes to Jordan. ''I actually think it's very safe here,'' said Barbara Porter, director of the American Center of Oriental Research, who has lived in the region for many years.
''As a woman too, I've felt totally accepted here from the beginning,'' Ms. Porter said. ''There are many women in positions of power in Jordan, too. I haven't encountered any problems for being an American here either.''
Yet life in Amman isn't without its difficulties. ''All of Jordan has a problem with scarce water,'' Mr. Habboo said. ''Each district of the city has water piped in once a week, which you learn to live with, storing it for use on the other days.''
Sometimes the city can be a shade too tranquil. ''The most common complaint about Amman from Westerners is that it's dull,'' Ms. Akrawi said. ''They say it's too quiet. I'd say that while Lebanon might be the Italy of the Middle East, Jordan is the Switzerland. Yet that is changing, too, and there are many more clubs and nightlife spots these days.''
Still, ''as an American working with Arabs in the Arab world, it is a wonderful experience living here,'' said Ms. Lodge, who is a granddaughter of the war-era United States ambassador to South Vietnam, Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. ''Given itshistory and mix, it is a place with multiple layers of meaning, where people are respectful of different faiths. When you look at it closely, at the crossroads, you can see a common heritage reflected here, rather than a place of differences.''
''It's a very livable city,'' said Robert Pingeon, a New Yorker who moved to Amman in 2006 with his wife, Emily Lodge. Both work for an energy consultancy that has projects in Iraq and throughout the Middle East.
''The climate is wonderful,'' Mr. Pingeon said. ''It's one of the highest cities in the Middle East, making it cooler during summer. It's also a great place to get to other places -- Beirut, Damascus, Jerusalem, Tel Aviv -- they're all only a short distance away.''
Ms. Lodge, who is originally from Boston, agreed. ''The beauty of the desert and the archaeological sites around here is exceptional,'' she said. ''There's also a great generosity and openness about the people.'' The city is close to archaeological destinations like the ''rose-red city'' of Petra and the well-preserved Roman compound of Jerash.
The couple own a 310-square-meter (3,337-square-foot) apartment, which also has a 60-square-meter (645-square-foot) penthouse one floor up. Its 100-square-meter (1,076-square-foot) terrace has a panoramic view of the city from three sides of the building. ''It's like the Fourth of July up here most nights,'' Mr. Pingeon said, ''as you can see fireworks going off all over Amman for weddings and celebrations.''
The apartment has three bedrooms and two bathrooms, with an additional bedroom and bath in the penthouse.
The Jordanian capital spreads out across a series of hills. In the past few years many new buildings have increased the height of the skyline, although there are still very few skyscrapers in this city of around 1.2 million inhabitants.
At its core is the Citadel, which has a Roman temple and amphitheater, surrounded by Ottoman-era stone houses. Farther out, a series of numbered traffic circles are used to define neighborhoods. The city also has eastern and western districts, the latter being the more affluent.
The staff members of embassies, aid groups and international and nongovernment organizations own or rent much of Amman's housing. With many neighboring countries considered unsafe or politically sensitive, Amman is the natural place for the United Nations, the Red Cross/Red Crescent and many other aid groups and international organizations to put their regional headquarters. The United States maintains one of its largest embassies here. In addition, Amman's reputation as a safe haven is attracting many Palestinian, and now Iraqi, refugees.
Foreigners are allowed to buy property in Jordan if the internal security department gives permission, which generally is not difficult for Westerners to obtain. However, a law designed to discourage speculation prohibits resale for the first three years of ownership.
Mr. Pingeon and Ms. Lodge's apartment is close to the Fourth Circle and the Abdoun district of West Amman, which is popular among diplomats and expatriate executives as well as locals. (Other such areas include Jebal Amman and Dabouq.)
Residential sales prices in all areas of the city increased in the last few years. According to Nirvana Ilich, head of rentals for Abdoun Real Estate, a leading property agency, ''a 200-square-meter apartment in Abdoun, which was selling for 500 Jordanian dinars a square meter two years ago, would now go for at least 1,000 dinars a square meter.'' (A dollar is worth dinars.) A 2,152-square-foot apartment, which sold for $66.45 per square foot two years ago, would now sell for twice that amount. Apartments like Mr. Pingeon and Ms. Lodge's could sell for 500,000 dinars, or $710,732, she said.
''Rentals, too, have shot up,'' Ms. Ilich added. ''In fact, many foreigners are starting to buy here because the rentals are so high.'' A 100-square-meter (1,076-square-foot) apartment she recently rented out near the American Embassy in Abdoun went for about $1,500 a month, she said. (Higher-end apartments are often priced in dollars.)
The blend of cultures has contributed greatly to the city's artistic scene -- something that was a help when Mr. Pingeon and Ms. Lodge began decorating their apartment. In relying on local artists and designers, they created a home that combines a wide range of influences.
''In Amman, we are at a crossroads,'' Ms. Lodge said. ''We are in the Middle East, between the Mediterranean and Indian worlds, the African and Asian. This has been a meeting place of cultures since before the Bible.''
The apartment reflects that idea. In its large entrance hall, Fortuny silk lampshades from Italy cast light on Persian carpets. There are chairs made from wooden wheat threshers by a local Palestinian designer; there are Iraqi fabrics, Western color schemes and modernist furniture, all blending together.
There is a similar mix in the home of Adnan Habboo and Aysar Akrawi, an Iraqi-American couple who live in a 557-square meter (6,000-square-foot) apartment, also near the Fourth Circle, with four bedrooms and two bathrooms.
In their living room, a finely worked Hand of Fatima, a Muslim symbol, stands next to a statuette inscribed with sacred Jewish texts. In another corner is a Syrian painting of the Virgin and Child with the names of Muslim prophets inscribed in its corners.
''If someone asked me about moving to Amman, I'd say don't hesitate,'' Mr. Habboo said. ''Don't give it a moment's thought. It's a place that gives you a beautiful blend of tradition and more liberal cosmopolitanism.''
Mr. Habboo and Ms. Akrawi both grew up in Baghdad, leaving Iraq in 1974 and eventually moving to the United States, where they lived in Chicago and New York. Their daughter is still in New York, working for National Geographic magazine.
Both of them are staunch supporters of monarchy, the Jordanian form of government. ''It gives the country an extra degree of political stability,'' Mr. Habboo said, referring to King Abdullah, whose government is friendly to the West and to other Arab nations.
Most expatriates in Amman say fears about political stability and security in the Arab world seem very exaggerated when it comes to Jordan. ''I actually think it's very safe here,'' said Barbara Porter, director of the American Center of Oriental Research, who has lived in the region for many years.
''As a woman too, I've felt totally accepted here from the beginning,'' Ms. Porter said. ''There are many women in positions of power in Jordan, too. I haven't encountered any problems for being an American here either.''
Yet life in Amman isn't without its difficulties. ''All of Jordan has a problem with scarce water,'' Mr. Habboo said. ''Each district of the city has water piped in once a week, which you learn to live with, storing it for use on the other days.''
Sometimes the city can be a shade too tranquil. ''The most common complaint about Amman from Westerners is that it's dull,'' Ms. Akrawi said. ''They say it's too quiet. I'd say that while Lebanon might be the Italy of the Middle East, Jordan is the Switzerland. Yet that is changing, too, and there are many more clubs and nightlife spots these days.''
Still, ''as an American working with Arabs in the Arab world, it is a wonderful experience living here,'' said Ms. Lodge, who is a granddaughter of the war-era United States ambassador to South Vietnam, Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. ''Given itshistory and mix, it is a place with multiple layers of meaning, where people are respectful of different faiths. When you look at it closely, at the crossroads, you can see a common heritage reflected here, rather than a place of differences.''
Friday, 11 July 2008
Jordanian minister says no Palestinian solution at Amman's expense
Foreign Minister Salah-al-Din al-Bashir has reiterated Jordan's permanent position on the pivotal nature of the Palestinian cause as a starting point to resolve all disputes in the region. In an exclusive interview with Al-Dustur, Al-Bashir said that Jordan is closely watching peace talks among the various sides without direct intervention. He said that Jordan is interested in promoting the Jordanian interests in any agreement that the Israeli and the Palestinian sides might reach, noting that Jordan possesses the means to enable it to ensure fulfilling these desires.
Al-Bashir said that the talk about a final solution at Jordan's expense is not worth consideration for single moment because Jordan has numerous factors that would deter any ideas in this direction, adding that the Jordanian state is strong and firm and it has a legitimate and historical leadership that won the respect of the world over these past decades. Al-Bashir said that the improvement in Jordanian-Iraqi relations was not the result of Jordan responding to specific conditions, affirming that the decision to send back the Jordanian ambassador to Baghdad had been made long ago and Jordan had been waiting for the improvement of the security conditions there. He said that the Arab surroundings are the natural environment for Iraq, enabling it to confront all challenges.
Al-Bashir stressed the pivotal role of Jordan in bringing about the successful conclusion of the Doha Agreement among the Lebanese parties, pointing out that the delay in forming the Lebanese government is natural and does not need a fresh intervention from the Arab committee that sponsored the Doha Agreement. Al-Bashir also spoke about the Jordanian ambassadors' conference this summer as a practical step aimed at developing the work of the Jordanian diplomatic missions abroad, and specifying their priorities during the upcoming phase.
The following is the text of the interview:
Regional Conditions
[Maharimah] To begin with, let us consider the political conditions in the region in general.
[Al-Bashir] Discussing the political conditions in the region always leads us to the Palestinian cause, because it is the first Arab cause and the core of the struggle in the region. We continue to believe that solving this problem constitutes the basis for resolving the region's problems in general.
In this regard, Jordan's position is principled and is based on firm axioms that take into consideration the supreme interests of the Jordanian state and the interests of the Palestinian brothers in establishing their independent, viable, and contiguous state. Without fulfilling the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people, the region will not have peace or stability.
In this regard, Jordan does not seek roles to play but is endeavouring to realize legitimate aims represented basically in protecting the state against any challenges and enabling it to negotiate all turning points. Furthermore, we have our political constants towards the Palestinian cause and our adherence to the principles and terms of reference of the peace process, based on Arab and international legitimacies. We are of the view that direct negotiations between the Palestinian and Israeli sides must lead to the eventual conclusion of establishing the Palestinian state by the side of the state of Israel - principles that were stressed by all international legitimacy resolutions, agreed by the international community, approved by the Annapolis summit, and urged by the Arab Peace Initiative, which is backed by the Organization of Islamic Conference.
A peaceful solution based on the establishment of two states represents an international goal that will be realized sooner of later. This is not one of our options or an intellectual luxury but an inevitable requirement. Therefore, our efforts are pooled to back the steadfastness of our brothers in Palestine and the Palestinian National Authority and their national unity to enable the Palestinian leadership to bypass all obstacles that are facing it in its endeavours to realize the Palestinian people's legitimate aspirations through intensive diplomatic efforts on the international and regional levels.
The continuous efforts on the international level to end the Israeli occupation and establish the Palestinian state is a necessary and important aim that cannot be ignored. Jordan played a basic role in restoring the Palestinian cause to the forefront of the priorities on the agenda of the United States, which will remain the basic power that can exercise pressure on Israel and which bears major responsibility in this regard.
As for the two-state solution, it will realize the Jordanian, Palestinian, and Arab interests and will lead to realizing stability in the region. The international community must push this plan forward and do its duties and responsibilities towards the region, especially the United States, which has an important influence in removing contradictions and bringing viewpoints closer between the Palestinian and Israelis sides. We call on Israel to cooperate with all sides and with all efforts to promote peace by stopping the settlement activities, working to improve the living conditions of the Palestinian people, alleviating their human suffering, and stopping acts that can impede the peace process and influence the final status negotiations.
The Final Solution
[Maharimah] Jordan is interested in a number of final status issues that affect its national rights, such as the issues of the refugees, borders, and Jerusalem. How do we deal with this situation?
[Al-Bashir] Jordan provides all forms of support and assistance to the Palestinian brothers. It also supports the Palestinian negotiator without direct intervention in the negotiations with the Israeli side. It is not a party to these negotiations, but is watching closely what is happening and what is being reached. There is constant coordination with the Palestinian brothers in this regard. We are interested in the final status issues such as Jerusalem, the refugees, and the borders. We are also eager to make sure that there will be no solution that prejudices our national interests, and we are perfectly aware of this matter. We have enough tools to ensure that our interests are not jeopardized.
[Maharimah] There is a view that we hear from time to time which says that Jordan will have to bear the burden of part of the consequences of the final solution. Indeed, some people claim that the current Jordanian economic conditions constitute an instrument of pressure to accept a particular solution that could result in the establishment of a confederation with an expected Palestinian entity.
[Al-Bashir] Let us agree first that the international economy is going through difficult circumstances in general, and that the high oil prices, the fall in the exchange rate of some currencies and the rise of others, in addition to the rocketing prices that are devastating the entire world do not constitute a Jordanian case. Indeed, Jordan has so far succeeded in containing the repercussions of international economic conditions in a better way than many other countries. The rates of economic growth prove this. If we agree on this, then we can rule out the thesis of economic pressure.
There are no solutions on the table at the expense of Jordan. We do not accept such proposals. We are aware of the risks and are prepared for all eventualities. Moreover, we are protected against various possible scenarios and variables that can occur in the region.
In addition, everyone should realize that Jordan is a strong entity, able to defend its supreme interests in various ways. Jordan has a leadership that has the legitimacy of history, achievement, and vision. His majesty the king, may God protect him, has been very clear in this regard when he emphasized on many occasions that the top priority was to end the Israeli occupation and establish an independent and viable Palestinian state. We have faced numerous challenges in the darkest of circumstances and we were able to overcome them. There is no justification for concern or fear that the Jordanian entity might be harmed. We are achieving successes in various fields, and our entity is powerful and strong. We are also mindful of the various contingencies, and have the appropriate tools to respond to any transgression on our supreme national interests.
Faltering Peace Process
[Maharimah] What are the options for Jordan in light of the faltering peace process? What is the role of the Arab initiative under these circumstances and why is it not being highlighted as it used to be?
[Al-Bashir] Jordan is exerting significant efforts. It has employed all its regional and international connections in order to keep the Palestinian issue at the forefront, and to always reaffirm the central nature of this issue. A solution of this issue would necessarily lead to establishing security and stability in the region.
His majesty the king has succeeded, through his efforts, to push the peace partners - the United States, the European Union, and the United Nations - to increase their efforts aimed at finding a just solution in the Middle East. The proof is that the US Administration, which had raised the level of other priorities in the region on its agenda, has now returned and restored the peace process to the top of its priorities after his majesty's speech before a joint session of the US Congress two years ago, a speech that prompted the US Administration to demand a two-state solution and put pressure on Israel to return to the negotiating table.
In this regard, we stress the need for a unified Palestinian front behind the Palestinian leadership in the face of Israeli policies, emphasizing the Arab and Palestinian consensus on the option of peace based on a two-state solution. This would support the Palestinian leadership's status in the international arena and reinforce its ability to attract the support of the international community. This is necessary to confront the goals of those who see that their interests can be realized through the continuation of the conflict and though wasting opportunities at the expense of our interests and at the expense of the Palestinian cause.
On the other part of the question, I want to emphasize that the Arab peace initiative continues to be on the agendas of all international meetings concerning this issue. We always reaffirm that it is an Arab and Islamic offer sponsored by more than 55 countries, and that it represents a real opportunity to resolve the dispute in the region and move towards a comprehensive development of the region. Moreover, the Arab negotiators on the Syrian and Palestinian sides rely on this initiative to be a winning card in their hands, in order to convince the other side of accepting a just solution.
Foreign Policy
[Maharimah] There are advocates for changing the Jordanian foreign policy and heading towards more openness with various countries in the region, including Iran and Syria. Where do we stand in terms of our regional relations?
[Al-Bashir] Jordan's criteria in dealing with political affairs are its supreme national interests. We believe in certain principles and we strive to achieve our goals through the promotion and advocacy of these principles. In this context we are in agreement and harmony with some countries, but we do not recognize the existence of alliances and axes. Our hand is stretched out to everyone and we do not put restrictions on this openness with any country as long as this falls within our national and regional interests. Jordan also is continually assessing developments in the region, and, therefore, dealing with them to promote its supreme interests. Although the Jordanian foreign policy is based on fixed principles, it is not rigid but has enough flexibility and farsightedness to enable it to deal positively with regional and international developments so as to enhance Jordan's security and stability.
After the US war on Iraq, Jordan has seen signs of competition over sharing power over the region at the expense of some Arab countries. The trend of dividing the people of one country along sectarian and denominational lines has also emerged. By its principled position, Jordan bears in mind the interests of the country and the region and rejects these divisions. In accordance with these principles Jordan found itself in agreement with most of the Arab countries, especially Egypt and Saudi Arabia.
Channels of dialogue are constantly open with all parties. The Jordanian policy is based on the confidence that the elements of closeness and solidarity among the Arab countries are more than the factors of discord and differences. We always seek to establish close bilateral relations with our Arab and regional environments. There is no better proof of this than the visit that his majesty the king paid to Syria last year, which led to an improvement in relations represented by the meeting of the joint higher committee and exchanging visits between many officials of the two countries. Our policy has always been one of unifying stances and establishing an Arab weight capable of confronting the pressures and threats that we are facing.
Iraq
[Maharimah] Has Jordan responded to the Iraqi preconditions - the return of the ambassador and of the Iraqi opposition and so on - to improve bilateral relations? How can Jordan strike a balance between its supreme interests and its adherence to the principle of noninterference in the internal affairs of Iraq, given the growing Iranian influence and the presence of the occupation forces and that quotas based on sectarian divisions there?
[Al-Bashir] To start with, I assure you that the main responsibility lies in providing an appropriate environment in Iraq through the involvement of all components of the Iraqi national fabric in the political process in order to form the basic foundation for the return of security and stability. We support the efforts of political reconciliation leading to involving everyone in the political process in Iraq, and we reject all forms of terrorist acts. We also believe that the rapprochement between Iraq and its Arab surroundings represents the natural course that this sisterly country should follow. We are eager to secure Iraqi security and unity and enhance its sovereignty over all its territory. Jordan, led by its Hashimite leadership, stands at an equal distances from the various parts in the Iraqi people's spectrum. Its only interest and eagerness is to see a stable and unified Iraq in which all the Iraqis enjoy security and prosperity.
Developments in the Iraqi situation causes concern to the world. It has cast a shadow on the region, especially Jordan. Jordan plays a host to a large number of Iraqi brothers. There number has reached more than 500,000 who are being treated as Jordanians without any discrimination. They are sharing the Jordanian infrastructure services, such as schools, water, and healthcare with their Jordanian brothers in the absence of adequate support from the international community. This has been a heavy burden on our infrastructure, impacting the living conditions of the Jordanian citizens. Jordan hopes that there will be stability in Iraq and that the security and the political conditions will improve, enabling the Iraqi brothers to return to their homeland with dignity.
The improvement of our relations with Iraq was not the result of any conditions imposed by any side. The return of the Jordanian ambassador to Baghdad is associated with Jordan's responsibility towards this brotherly country, and Jordan's desire to extend bridges of cooperation with it so that it might restore its natural role within its Arab surroundings. This decision also followed tangible improvement in the political and security conditions recently.
Doha Agreement
[Maharimah] The Doha Agreement among the Lebanese parties is facing the obstacle of forming a Lebanese government. What is the position of the Arab committee, which oversaw the signing of the agreement?
[Al-Bashir] First I want to point out that the Jordanian position was on the side of the legitimacy and the constitutional institutions in the Lebanese state. Jordan's role of reaching a solution satisfactory to all parties concerned in Lebanon was clear and evident in both the Arab League and through the eight-party ministerial committee, which was formed and which met with Lebanese factions Beirut. This committee then went to Doha for dialogue and then an agreement was reached. Our role was active, not only in the dialogue between the parties concerned, but in the formulation of the agreement's document. The Jordanian delegation participated in dialogues among Lebanese parties. This agreement has succeeded in filling the constitutional vacuum in Lebanon, contributing to electing a head of state who will be responsible for leading the constitutional and political process in Lebanon.
Things in Lebanon have started to see marked improvement, and we hope that the Lebanese will soon see the new government, with whose formation Prime Minister Fu'ad Siniora has been entrusted. However, the Arab committee does not interfere in the distribution of ministerial portfolio because this is the business of the Lebanese parties. Jordan will not spare any effort and will provide all kinds of support in order to serve security and stability in Lebanon.
Jordanian Diplomatic Missions
[Maharimah] How would you rate the work of the Jordanian diplomatic missions abroad, and what are the most prominent features of the reform plan that you have been implementing since you took the Foreign Ministry portfolio?
[Al-Bashir] We have 51 diplomatic missions - embassies and consulates - in various countries around the world. We staff these missions with cadres whom we always try to qualify and train on various issues and tasks that are within the duties of these missions. In our programmes, we take care to train our diplomats to confront trade and economic challenges that Jordan usually faces exactly as we train them to confront political challenges. All aspects must be taken into account in the work of our missions abroad. These matters will be a major topic during the Jordanian ambassadors conference, which will reconvene this summer and during which the working programmes of these embassies will be specified for next year.
Source: Al-Dustur, Amman, in Arabic 10 Jul 08
Al-Bashir said that the talk about a final solution at Jordan's expense is not worth consideration for single moment because Jordan has numerous factors that would deter any ideas in this direction, adding that the Jordanian state is strong and firm and it has a legitimate and historical leadership that won the respect of the world over these past decades. Al-Bashir said that the improvement in Jordanian-Iraqi relations was not the result of Jordan responding to specific conditions, affirming that the decision to send back the Jordanian ambassador to Baghdad had been made long ago and Jordan had been waiting for the improvement of the security conditions there. He said that the Arab surroundings are the natural environment for Iraq, enabling it to confront all challenges.
Al-Bashir stressed the pivotal role of Jordan in bringing about the successful conclusion of the Doha Agreement among the Lebanese parties, pointing out that the delay in forming the Lebanese government is natural and does not need a fresh intervention from the Arab committee that sponsored the Doha Agreement. Al-Bashir also spoke about the Jordanian ambassadors' conference this summer as a practical step aimed at developing the work of the Jordanian diplomatic missions abroad, and specifying their priorities during the upcoming phase.
The following is the text of the interview:
Regional Conditions
[Maharimah] To begin with, let us consider the political conditions in the region in general.
[Al-Bashir] Discussing the political conditions in the region always leads us to the Palestinian cause, because it is the first Arab cause and the core of the struggle in the region. We continue to believe that solving this problem constitutes the basis for resolving the region's problems in general.
In this regard, Jordan's position is principled and is based on firm axioms that take into consideration the supreme interests of the Jordanian state and the interests of the Palestinian brothers in establishing their independent, viable, and contiguous state. Without fulfilling the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people, the region will not have peace or stability.
In this regard, Jordan does not seek roles to play but is endeavouring to realize legitimate aims represented basically in protecting the state against any challenges and enabling it to negotiate all turning points. Furthermore, we have our political constants towards the Palestinian cause and our adherence to the principles and terms of reference of the peace process, based on Arab and international legitimacies. We are of the view that direct negotiations between the Palestinian and Israeli sides must lead to the eventual conclusion of establishing the Palestinian state by the side of the state of Israel - principles that were stressed by all international legitimacy resolutions, agreed by the international community, approved by the Annapolis summit, and urged by the Arab Peace Initiative, which is backed by the Organization of Islamic Conference.
A peaceful solution based on the establishment of two states represents an international goal that will be realized sooner of later. This is not one of our options or an intellectual luxury but an inevitable requirement. Therefore, our efforts are pooled to back the steadfastness of our brothers in Palestine and the Palestinian National Authority and their national unity to enable the Palestinian leadership to bypass all obstacles that are facing it in its endeavours to realize the Palestinian people's legitimate aspirations through intensive diplomatic efforts on the international and regional levels.
The continuous efforts on the international level to end the Israeli occupation and establish the Palestinian state is a necessary and important aim that cannot be ignored. Jordan played a basic role in restoring the Palestinian cause to the forefront of the priorities on the agenda of the United States, which will remain the basic power that can exercise pressure on Israel and which bears major responsibility in this regard.
As for the two-state solution, it will realize the Jordanian, Palestinian, and Arab interests and will lead to realizing stability in the region. The international community must push this plan forward and do its duties and responsibilities towards the region, especially the United States, which has an important influence in removing contradictions and bringing viewpoints closer between the Palestinian and Israelis sides. We call on Israel to cooperate with all sides and with all efforts to promote peace by stopping the settlement activities, working to improve the living conditions of the Palestinian people, alleviating their human suffering, and stopping acts that can impede the peace process and influence the final status negotiations.
The Final Solution
[Maharimah] Jordan is interested in a number of final status issues that affect its national rights, such as the issues of the refugees, borders, and Jerusalem. How do we deal with this situation?
[Al-Bashir] Jordan provides all forms of support and assistance to the Palestinian brothers. It also supports the Palestinian negotiator without direct intervention in the negotiations with the Israeli side. It is not a party to these negotiations, but is watching closely what is happening and what is being reached. There is constant coordination with the Palestinian brothers in this regard. We are interested in the final status issues such as Jerusalem, the refugees, and the borders. We are also eager to make sure that there will be no solution that prejudices our national interests, and we are perfectly aware of this matter. We have enough tools to ensure that our interests are not jeopardized.
[Maharimah] There is a view that we hear from time to time which says that Jordan will have to bear the burden of part of the consequences of the final solution. Indeed, some people claim that the current Jordanian economic conditions constitute an instrument of pressure to accept a particular solution that could result in the establishment of a confederation with an expected Palestinian entity.
[Al-Bashir] Let us agree first that the international economy is going through difficult circumstances in general, and that the high oil prices, the fall in the exchange rate of some currencies and the rise of others, in addition to the rocketing prices that are devastating the entire world do not constitute a Jordanian case. Indeed, Jordan has so far succeeded in containing the repercussions of international economic conditions in a better way than many other countries. The rates of economic growth prove this. If we agree on this, then we can rule out the thesis of economic pressure.
There are no solutions on the table at the expense of Jordan. We do not accept such proposals. We are aware of the risks and are prepared for all eventualities. Moreover, we are protected against various possible scenarios and variables that can occur in the region.
In addition, everyone should realize that Jordan is a strong entity, able to defend its supreme interests in various ways. Jordan has a leadership that has the legitimacy of history, achievement, and vision. His majesty the king, may God protect him, has been very clear in this regard when he emphasized on many occasions that the top priority was to end the Israeli occupation and establish an independent and viable Palestinian state. We have faced numerous challenges in the darkest of circumstances and we were able to overcome them. There is no justification for concern or fear that the Jordanian entity might be harmed. We are achieving successes in various fields, and our entity is powerful and strong. We are also mindful of the various contingencies, and have the appropriate tools to respond to any transgression on our supreme national interests.
Faltering Peace Process
[Maharimah] What are the options for Jordan in light of the faltering peace process? What is the role of the Arab initiative under these circumstances and why is it not being highlighted as it used to be?
[Al-Bashir] Jordan is exerting significant efforts. It has employed all its regional and international connections in order to keep the Palestinian issue at the forefront, and to always reaffirm the central nature of this issue. A solution of this issue would necessarily lead to establishing security and stability in the region.
His majesty the king has succeeded, through his efforts, to push the peace partners - the United States, the European Union, and the United Nations - to increase their efforts aimed at finding a just solution in the Middle East. The proof is that the US Administration, which had raised the level of other priorities in the region on its agenda, has now returned and restored the peace process to the top of its priorities after his majesty's speech before a joint session of the US Congress two years ago, a speech that prompted the US Administration to demand a two-state solution and put pressure on Israel to return to the negotiating table.
In this regard, we stress the need for a unified Palestinian front behind the Palestinian leadership in the face of Israeli policies, emphasizing the Arab and Palestinian consensus on the option of peace based on a two-state solution. This would support the Palestinian leadership's status in the international arena and reinforce its ability to attract the support of the international community. This is necessary to confront the goals of those who see that their interests can be realized through the continuation of the conflict and though wasting opportunities at the expense of our interests and at the expense of the Palestinian cause.
On the other part of the question, I want to emphasize that the Arab peace initiative continues to be on the agendas of all international meetings concerning this issue. We always reaffirm that it is an Arab and Islamic offer sponsored by more than 55 countries, and that it represents a real opportunity to resolve the dispute in the region and move towards a comprehensive development of the region. Moreover, the Arab negotiators on the Syrian and Palestinian sides rely on this initiative to be a winning card in their hands, in order to convince the other side of accepting a just solution.
Foreign Policy
[Maharimah] There are advocates for changing the Jordanian foreign policy and heading towards more openness with various countries in the region, including Iran and Syria. Where do we stand in terms of our regional relations?
[Al-Bashir] Jordan's criteria in dealing with political affairs are its supreme national interests. We believe in certain principles and we strive to achieve our goals through the promotion and advocacy of these principles. In this context we are in agreement and harmony with some countries, but we do not recognize the existence of alliances and axes. Our hand is stretched out to everyone and we do not put restrictions on this openness with any country as long as this falls within our national and regional interests. Jordan also is continually assessing developments in the region, and, therefore, dealing with them to promote its supreme interests. Although the Jordanian foreign policy is based on fixed principles, it is not rigid but has enough flexibility and farsightedness to enable it to deal positively with regional and international developments so as to enhance Jordan's security and stability.
After the US war on Iraq, Jordan has seen signs of competition over sharing power over the region at the expense of some Arab countries. The trend of dividing the people of one country along sectarian and denominational lines has also emerged. By its principled position, Jordan bears in mind the interests of the country and the region and rejects these divisions. In accordance with these principles Jordan found itself in agreement with most of the Arab countries, especially Egypt and Saudi Arabia.
Channels of dialogue are constantly open with all parties. The Jordanian policy is based on the confidence that the elements of closeness and solidarity among the Arab countries are more than the factors of discord and differences. We always seek to establish close bilateral relations with our Arab and regional environments. There is no better proof of this than the visit that his majesty the king paid to Syria last year, which led to an improvement in relations represented by the meeting of the joint higher committee and exchanging visits between many officials of the two countries. Our policy has always been one of unifying stances and establishing an Arab weight capable of confronting the pressures and threats that we are facing.
Iraq
[Maharimah] Has Jordan responded to the Iraqi preconditions - the return of the ambassador and of the Iraqi opposition and so on - to improve bilateral relations? How can Jordan strike a balance between its supreme interests and its adherence to the principle of noninterference in the internal affairs of Iraq, given the growing Iranian influence and the presence of the occupation forces and that quotas based on sectarian divisions there?
[Al-Bashir] To start with, I assure you that the main responsibility lies in providing an appropriate environment in Iraq through the involvement of all components of the Iraqi national fabric in the political process in order to form the basic foundation for the return of security and stability. We support the efforts of political reconciliation leading to involving everyone in the political process in Iraq, and we reject all forms of terrorist acts. We also believe that the rapprochement between Iraq and its Arab surroundings represents the natural course that this sisterly country should follow. We are eager to secure Iraqi security and unity and enhance its sovereignty over all its territory. Jordan, led by its Hashimite leadership, stands at an equal distances from the various parts in the Iraqi people's spectrum. Its only interest and eagerness is to see a stable and unified Iraq in which all the Iraqis enjoy security and prosperity.
Developments in the Iraqi situation causes concern to the world. It has cast a shadow on the region, especially Jordan. Jordan plays a host to a large number of Iraqi brothers. There number has reached more than 500,000 who are being treated as Jordanians without any discrimination. They are sharing the Jordanian infrastructure services, such as schools, water, and healthcare with their Jordanian brothers in the absence of adequate support from the international community. This has been a heavy burden on our infrastructure, impacting the living conditions of the Jordanian citizens. Jordan hopes that there will be stability in Iraq and that the security and the political conditions will improve, enabling the Iraqi brothers to return to their homeland with dignity.
The improvement of our relations with Iraq was not the result of any conditions imposed by any side. The return of the Jordanian ambassador to Baghdad is associated with Jordan's responsibility towards this brotherly country, and Jordan's desire to extend bridges of cooperation with it so that it might restore its natural role within its Arab surroundings. This decision also followed tangible improvement in the political and security conditions recently.
Doha Agreement
[Maharimah] The Doha Agreement among the Lebanese parties is facing the obstacle of forming a Lebanese government. What is the position of the Arab committee, which oversaw the signing of the agreement?
[Al-Bashir] First I want to point out that the Jordanian position was on the side of the legitimacy and the constitutional institutions in the Lebanese state. Jordan's role of reaching a solution satisfactory to all parties concerned in Lebanon was clear and evident in both the Arab League and through the eight-party ministerial committee, which was formed and which met with Lebanese factions Beirut. This committee then went to Doha for dialogue and then an agreement was reached. Our role was active, not only in the dialogue between the parties concerned, but in the formulation of the agreement's document. The Jordanian delegation participated in dialogues among Lebanese parties. This agreement has succeeded in filling the constitutional vacuum in Lebanon, contributing to electing a head of state who will be responsible for leading the constitutional and political process in Lebanon.
Things in Lebanon have started to see marked improvement, and we hope that the Lebanese will soon see the new government, with whose formation Prime Minister Fu'ad Siniora has been entrusted. However, the Arab committee does not interfere in the distribution of ministerial portfolio because this is the business of the Lebanese parties. Jordan will not spare any effort and will provide all kinds of support in order to serve security and stability in Lebanon.
Jordanian Diplomatic Missions
[Maharimah] How would you rate the work of the Jordanian diplomatic missions abroad, and what are the most prominent features of the reform plan that you have been implementing since you took the Foreign Ministry portfolio?
[Al-Bashir] We have 51 diplomatic missions - embassies and consulates - in various countries around the world. We staff these missions with cadres whom we always try to qualify and train on various issues and tasks that are within the duties of these missions. In our programmes, we take care to train our diplomats to confront trade and economic challenges that Jordan usually faces exactly as we train them to confront political challenges. All aspects must be taken into account in the work of our missions abroad. These matters will be a major topic during the Jordanian ambassadors conference, which will reconvene this summer and during which the working programmes of these embassies will be specified for next year.
Source: Al-Dustur, Amman, in Arabic 10 Jul 08
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