Showing posts with label Qatar. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Qatar. Show all posts

Wednesday, 7 January 2009

For I. M. Pei, History Is Still Happening


I CAN’T seem to get the Museum of Islamic Art out of my mind. There’s nothing revolutionary about the building. But its clean, chiseled forms have a tranquillity that distinguishes it in an age that often seems trapped somewhere between gimmickry and a cloying nostalgia.

Part of the allure may have to do with I. M. Pei, the museum’s architect. Mr. Pei reached the height of his popularity decades ago with projects like the East Building of the National Gallery of Art in Washington and the Louvre pyramid in Paris. Since then he has been an enigmatic figure at the periphery of the profession. His best work has admirers, but it has largely been ignored within architecture’s intellectual circles. Now, at 91 and near the end of a long career, Mr. Pei seems to be enjoying the kind of revival accorded to most serious architects if they have the luck to live long enough.

But the museum is also notable for its place within a broader effort to reshape the region’s cultural identity. The myriad large-scale civic projects, from a Guggenheim museum that is planned for Abu Dhabi to Education City in Doha — a vast area of new buildings that house outposts of foreign universities — are often dismissed in Western circles as superficial fantasies. As the first to reach completion, the Museum of Islamic Art is proof that the boom is not a mirage. The building’s austere, almost primitive forms and the dazzling collections it houses underscore the seriousness of the country’s cultural ambition.

Perhaps even more compelling, the design is rooted in an optimistic worldview, — one at odds with the schism between cosmopolitan modernity and backward fundamentalism that has come to define the last few decades in the Middle East. The ideals it embodies — that the past and the present can co-exist harmoniously — are a throwback to a time when America’s overseas ambitions were still cloaked in a progressive agenda.

To Mr. Pei, whose self-deprecating charm suggests a certain noblesse oblige, all serious architecture is found somewhere between the extremes of an overly sentimental view of the past and a form of historical amnesia.

“Contemporary architects tend to impose modernity on something,” he said in an interview. “There is a certain concern for history but it’s not very deep. I understand that time has changed, we have evolved. But I don’t want to forget the beginning. A lasting architecture has to have roots.” This moderation should come as no surprise to those who have followed Mr. Pei’s career closely. I recall first hearing his name during construction on his design for the Kennedy Library in Boston in the mid-1970s. The library, enclosed behind a towering glass atrium overlooking the water, was not one of Mr. Pei’s most memorable early works, nor was it particularly innovative, but the link to Kennedy lent him instant glamour.

The building’s pure geometries and muscular trusses seemed at the time to be the architectural equivalent of the space program. They suggested an enlightened, cultivated Modernism, albeit toned down to serve an educated, well-polished elite. Completed 16 years after the assassination of John F. Kennedy, the library’s construction seemed to be an act of hope, as if the values that Kennedy’s generation embodied could be preserved in stone, steel and glass.

In many ways Mr. Pei’s career followed the unraveling of that era, from the economic downturn of the 1970s through the hollow victories of the Reagan years. Yet his work never lost its aura of measured idealism. It reached its highest expression in the National Gallery of Art’s East Building, a composition of angular stone forms completed in 1978 that remains the most visible emblem of modern Washington.

Since that popular triumph Mr. Pei has often seemed to take the kind of leisurely, slow-paced approach to design that other architects, no matter how well established, can only dream of. When first approached in 1983 to take part in a competition to design the addition to the Louvre, he refused, saying that he would not submit a preliminary design. President François Mitterrand nevertheless hired him outright. Mr. Pei then asked him if he could take several months to study French history.

“I told him I wanted to learn about his culture,” Pei recalled. “I knew the Louvre well. But I wanted to see more than just architecture. I think he understood immediately.” Mr. Pei spent months traveling across Europe and North Africa before earnestly beginning work on the final design of the glass pyramids that now anchor the museum’s central court.

In 1990, a year after the project’s completion, he left his firm, handing its reins over to his partners Harry Cobb and James Ingo Freed so that he could concentrate more on design. More recently he has lived in semi-retirement, sometimes working on the fourth floor office of his Sutton Place town house or sketching quietly in a rocking chair in his living room. He rarely takes on more than a single project at a time.

Such an attitude runs counter to the ever-accelerating pace of the global age — not to mention our obsession with novelty. But if Mr. Pei’s methods seem anachronistic, they also offer a gentle resistance to the short-sightedness of so many contemporary cultural undertakings.

Many successful architects today are global nomads, sketching ideas on paper napkins as they jet from one city to another. In their designs they tend to be more interested in exposing cultural frictions — the clashing of social, political and economic forces that undergird contemporary society — than in offering visions of harmony.

Mr. Pei, by contrast, imagines history as a smooth continuous process — a view that is deftly embodied by the Islamic Museum, whose clean abstract surfaces are an echo of both high Modernism and ancient Islamic architecture. Conceived by the Qatari emir and his 26-year-old daughter, Sheikha al Mayassa, it is the centerpiece of a larger cultural project whose aim is to forge a cosmopolitan, urban society in a place that not so long ago was a collection of Bedouin encampments and fishing villages. The aim is to recall a time that extended from the birth of Islam through the height of the Ottoman Empire, when the Islamic world was a center of scientific experimentation and cultural tolerance.

“My father’s vision was to build a cross-cultural institution,” said Sheikha al Mayassa, who has been charged with overseeing the city’s cultural development, during a recent interview here. “It is to reconnect the historical threads that have been broken, and finding peaceful ways to resolve conflict.”

Mr. Pei’s aim was to integrate the values of that earlier era into today’s culture — to capture, as he put it, the “essence of Islamic architecture.”

The museum’s hard, chiseled forms take their inspiration from the ablution fountain of Ibn Tulun Mosque in Cairo, as well as from fortresses built in Tunisia in the eighth and ninth centuries — simple stone structures strong enough to hold their own in the barrenness of the desert landscape.

In order to create a similar sense of withdrawal from the world, Mr. Pei located his museum on a small man-made island, approachable from a short bridge. Seen from a distance, its blocklike forms are a powerful contrast to the half-finished towers and swiveling construction cranes that line the waterfront. Stepped on both sides, the apex of the main building is punctuated by a short tower with an eye-shaped opening that masks an interior dome.

From certain angles the structure has a flat, chimeric quality, like a stage set. From others it seems to be floating on the surface of the water — an effect that recalls Santa Maria della Salute, the imposing Baroque church that guards the entry to the Grand Canal in Venice.

As one approaches the building, the full weight of the structure begins to bear down, and the forms become more imposing. The bridge, flanked by rows of tall palm trees, is set diagonally to the entry, which makes the stacked geometric forms appear more angular and the contrast between light and shadow more extreme.

Soon a few traditional details begin to appear: the two small arched windows over the entry; a covered arcade that links the museum to an education center. These touches seem minor, but they provide a sense of scale, so that the size of the building can be understood according to the size of the human body.

The blend of modern and Islamic themes continues inside, where Mr. Pei draws most directly from religious precedents. The hemispherical dome, an intricate pattern of stainless steel plates pierced by a single small oculus, brings to mind the geometric patterns used in Baroque churches as well as in ancient mosques.

The weight of the interior’s chiseled stone forms, with the dome resting on a faceted drum and square base, evokes both classical precedents and the late works of Louis Kahn, whose fusion of modern structure with a timeless monumentality was a turning point in Modernist history.

Mr. Pei’s design lacks the depth and cohesion of Kahn’s greatest work. The structural system that supports the dome, for instance, is not particularly elegant; on one side the drum that supports it rests on slender three-story-tall columns, on the other it extends down to meet a wall that encloses a floor of offices before resting on a series of shorter columns, upsetting the room’s natural symmetry.

Nonetheless the meaning of the space is clear. Mr. Pei has created a temple of high art, placing culture on the same pedestal as religion. His aim is both to create a symbol of Islamic culture and to forge a common heritage for the citizens of Qatar and the region.

The grandeur of the atrium is only a prelude to the real climax: the galleries, which are as intimate as the atrium is soaring. Objects are encased in towering glass cabinets set on tables, giving them an accessibility rare in a major museum. There is also just the right amount of space between the objects — enough to let them breathe without being isolated.

And like the building itself, the collections are a reflection of the notion that Modernity and Islamic culture are not in opposition, but woven out of the same historical thread. There are dazzling scientific objects here, including a display of astrolabes, as well as priceless works of calligraphy. (Philippe de Montebello, the director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, which owns one of the world’s premier collections of Islamic Art, put it best when I spoke to him at the museum’s inaugural gala: “Many of the pieces I’ve bid on over the past 10 years, they got.”)

Yet the most moving works are those that underscore the cosmopolitan values that are at the core of this museum: the notion that the free, open exchange of ideas is what builds great — and tolerant — civilizations: a matrix of Spanish Corinthian columns with Islamic flourishes; early translations of classical texts that formed the hinge between antiquity and the European Renaissance; a silk tapestry of a couple in front of a tent, illustrating the Islamic fable “Laila and Majnun” that is likened to Romeo and Juliet.

These are the moments that Mr. Pei’s architecture is meant to embody. His museum reminds us that building a culture, as much as a political or social agenda, can be an act of healing. Like all great art, it requires forging seemingly conflicting values into a common whole.

Friday, 18 July 2008

Qatar's woman beside the man

MODERN MIDDLE EAST

ASMA AL-ASSAD was not the only Middle Eastern consort making a statement in Paris this week. The wife of Qatar's emir was also hard to miss in a vivid green pantsuit cinched wickedly around her slim waist.

But Sheika Mozah bint Nasser al-Missned grabs attention for more than her fashion sense. As the Christian Science Monitor reported last year, "the glamorous mother of seven rivals her husband in terms of influence in her native land".

Last year she was ranked 79 on the Forbes list of the 100 most powerful women in the world. The Times, of London, named her one of the 25 most influential business leaders in the Middle East.

A commoner who studied sociology at Qatar University, she married the emir, Sheik Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani, in 1977, despite his father having exiled her father after he called for a fairer distribution of wealth in the small oil and gas-rich nation. She is the second of the emir's three wives.

In 1995, her husband overthrew his father in a bloodless coup, and set about modernising the country, although it remains the personal fiefdom of his family.

Sheika Mozah has been at the forefront of this work, reforming the education system, establishing the region's first battered women's shelter, and encouraging a modicum of free speech.

Her work has been internationally recognised. She is a UNESCO special education envoy, and in 2005 the UN secretary-general asked her to be a member of a group set up to develop creative mechanisms for fighting terrorism.

Sheika Mozah has earned admiration for the way she has struck a balance between modernity, Islam and Arabic culture. "People tend to believe that to be modern you have to disengage from your heritage, but it's not true," she told the Christian Science Monitor.

But as the first and only ruling spouse in Qatar to show herself publicly, she has also earned enemies. In 2005 she won a defamation case against an Arabic newspaper in Britain, which had published stories alleging she had improperly interfered in political, judicial and security matters in Qatar.

Wednesday, 9 July 2008

Qatar savors role as go-between Top envoy charms and spends his way across the Mideast

DOHA, Qatar -- In the past month, after Qatari diplomats brokered a landmark peace deal in Lebanon, this tiny Gulf emirate has enjoyed a moment of giddy celebrity.
Editorialists praised the Qatari emir for his diplomatic skills. Huge billboards went up on the road to the Beirut airport, proclaiming, ''We all say: Thank you Qatar.'' An ice cream shop in central Beirut put out a sign offering a ''Doha Agreement Cone.''
But the Qataris did not linger over their diplomatic triumph. They were too busy trying to solve every other conflict in the Middle East.
In the past year alone, the Qatari foreign minister, Hamad bin Jassim bin Jabr al-Thani, widely known as ''HBJ,'' has flown his jet everywhere from Morocco to Libya to Yemen, using charm, guile and large amounts of money to settle disputes, with varying success.
This work has not always earned him gratitude. In an increasingly divided Arab world, the Qataris have fashioned a reputation for themselves as independent-minded mediators who will cozy up to anyone - Iran, Israel, Chechen separatists - in pursuit of leverage at the bargaining table.
''We don't have an agenda, and we don't keep all our eggs in one basket,'' said Hassan al-Ansari, director of Gulf studies at Qatar University.
That is putting it mildly.
Qatar has close ties with Iran, yet it also is host to the region's biggest American military base. It is home to both Israeli officials and hard-line Islamists who advocate Israel's destruction. Al Jazeera, the controversial satellite television station, is based there, as is Saddam Hussein's widow. Saudi Arabia is a trusted ally, but so is Saudi Arabia's nemesis Syria - whose president, Bashar al-Assad, received an Airbus jet as a personal gift from the Qatari emir this year.
''They really put all the contradictions of the Middle East in one box,'' said Mustafa Alani, a security analyst at the Gulf Research Center in Dubai.
The Qataris also back their diplomacy with some eclectic investments. Many Americans know about the emir's gift of $100 million to the victims of Hurricane Katrina, but Qatar is also building a $1.5 billion oil refinery in Zimbabwe, a huge residential complex in Sudan and a $350 million tourist project in Syria.
Some call Qatar's policy contradictory. The Qataris prefer to think of it as useful. Blessed with enormous oil and natural gas reserves, Qatar is surrounded by large and ambitious neighbors: Iran, Iraq and Saudi Arabia. Diplomacy has become a way for Qatar to protect itself and its riches, both by forming alliances and by trying to stabilize the region.
''The idea is to try to keep everybody happy - or if we can't, to keep everybody reasonably unhappy,'' said a former Qatari official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to discuss the subject. ''If that makes the Americans or the Russians a little cross, well, tough luck.''
It does make them cross. American officials have been quietly furious about Qatar's assistance to Iran and Syria, which includes substantial financial support as well as votes against sanctions on Iran during Qatar's tenure on the United Nations Security Council.
The Americans are also angry about Qatar's hefty financial aid to Hamas after the militant Palestinian group won elections in 2006.
''Their relationship with us has been complex, bordering on one of animosity,'' said a high-level State Department official, adding that Qatar's support for Hamas had been a ''very vexatious problem.''
The Russians have complaints, too.
Qatar provided sanctuary to a Chechen rebel leader, Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev, until two Russian secret agents killed him by detonating a bomb in his car as he left a mosque in Doha in February 2004. The agents were captured by Qatari authorities and convicted of murder, but later extradited at Russia's request.
Various Arab governments have also at times lost patience with Qatar, mainly because Al Jazeera, which the Qatari emir founded, aired criticisms of them. Saudi Arabia broke diplomatic relations with Qatar over this issue in 2002 and they were restored only in 2007 after Qatar promised to rein in coverage of the kingdom.
Some of Qatar's recent diplomatic adventures - which range from negotiations with rebels in Yemen and Morocco to efforts to free the Bulgarian nurses accused of spreading AIDS in Libya - have backfired.
There is also some anger among Arabs about the warm welcomes received by Israeli officials in Doha, where Israel also maintains a trade mission (located, as it happens, not far from a villa owned by Khaled Meshal, the leader of Hamas).
At times, Qatar's multifaceted approach to the world has bordered on comedy.
In February 2003, Qatar played host to a meeting of the Islamic Conference aimed at forestalling the American invasion of Iraq, even as preparations for that invasion were taking place a few kilometers away at the U.S. military base. As the final communiqués were being read, military cargo planes could be heard soaring overhead.
Jabr, the foreign minister, who also holds the position of prime minister, has been coy about the details of Qatar's unusual diplomacy, although he has given some interviews in which he says Qatar wants ''good relations with everyone'' and defends his country's relationship with Israel. He declined to be interviewed for this article.
Qatar's policy was born in 1995, when the current emir, Sheik Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani, carried out a bloodless coup against his father, who was on vacation in Switzerland.
The new emir instantly began transforming Qatar from an inward-turned backwater into a dynamic new state. At home, he began an ambitious remodeling of the emirate's education policies with the help of his wife, Sheika Mozah bint Nasser al-Missned. Abroad, the emir and his cousin, Jabr, began building a bold new way to engage with the world while maintaining their country's independence.
In some ways it makes perfect sense. A thumb-shaped peninsula just east of Saudi Arabia, Qatar is a natural interlocutor precisely because it is so small and harmless, with just 200,000 citizens - there are about three times as many foreigners in the country.
''They are not a threat to anyone, and there is no strategic interest behind their diplomacy aside from the moral gain,'' said Alani, the Dubai analyst.
Qatar also has an absolute monarchy and virtually no domestic dissent. It is therefore free, unlike almost every other country in the world, to pursue iconoclastic policies abroad without worrying about how they play at home.
The fact that Qatar also has the world's highest per capita gross domestic product, at more than $80,000, probably helps to keep things quiet.
But despite the occasional bumps and frequent complaints, Qatar's policy seems to have worked, catapulting the country to new levels of recognition throughout the globe.
The Lebanon agreement, reached in late May, is by far its biggest diplomatic success.
Every major power with an interest in Lebanon had tried to resolve the country's 18-month political crisis. They failed, in part because all were seen as favoring a particular group within Lebanon's political mosaic. Qatar, with its all-encompassing approach, was the obvious choice for a mediator when the violence grew worse in May.