SANA’A // The suffering of many Yemeni citizens will increase this summer in direct proportion to the rising mercury in their thermometers, as daily power blackouts force them to endure blistering temperatures without the comfort of refrigeration, air conditioning or electric fans.
“Life is becoming hell for us in the summer; we cannot tolerate such hot weather,” said Hani Mohammed Ali, a 45-year-old civil servant living in Aden, adding that there were up to six power cuts a day.
“I take my wife and kid to the roof to sleep, but the mosquitoes do not leave us alone. It’s unbearable.”
Power shortages are endemic during the hotter months from May to October when demand spikes, leaving many Yemenis without electricity for six to eight hours a day.
The main factors contributing to the country’s electricity problem, experts say, is the insufficient, ageing power infrastructure and the theft of electricity by industry and wealthy Yemenis.
Yemen’s total production of power is 650 megawatts, and the electricity ministry purchases about 200 megawatts from international companies to address part of the shortfall, according to the ministry.
“The shortage in power supply ranges between 100-120 megawatts. Some of the power produced seeps out of the system because of a lack of proper maintenance, as well as the old power stations. They now [produce] only 75 per cent of their capacity,” Awadh al Suqatri, Yemen’s minister of electricity, recently told the state-run Almithaq weekly.
Click here to find out more!
According to a report by the Shoura council, a quasi-parliamentary governmental body, released last month, half of the country’s power stations are no longer functional or will cease to function soon and 43 per cent of the population has no access to electricity.
According to electricity ministry reports, leaked power reached 432 megawatts in 2007 compared to 231 megawatts in 2006. Leaked power has risen to 30 per cent of total output, and is due to outdated transmitting networks.
The power shortfall this summer is expected to soar to 220 megawatts, according to Mr al Suqatri, a problem the government cannot possibly tackle alone. Officials are considering involving the private sector to establish new power stations, he said.
Mr al Suqatri also blamed the increasing blackouts on rising demand during the summer.
“There is an increase in demand for power by 10 per cent due to the expansion of cities and the increase of electricity supply to the countryside. This demand increases significantly during summer. Therefore, we have to cover the power supply gap by instituting rolling power cuts across the country.
“It is one of the solutions though it costs us a lot. Constructing new power stations needs funding and takes between three to four years.”
Electricity theft is also a major problem as some owners of large workshops and factories siphon off electricity from public networks or alter their meters to squeeze extra power.
The General Electricity Corporation of the electricity ministry complains that 524 high-ranking government officials and influential tribal leaders have refused to pay their accumulated bills, which are estimated to be US$75 million (Dh275m), according to Abdulmumen Mutahar, the electricity corporation’s director.
Mr Mutahar said the ministry has contacted these individuals requesting payment but they have refused to comply. He said the ministry is thinking of publishing a blacklist of the offenders.
The net result is that Yemen’s electricity output is sufficient for only 57 per cent of the country’s 22 million people. Most of the available supply goes to the urban population, which consumes 92 per cent of total power. The majority of the population, who live in the countryside, use only eight per cent.
For several years, the government has been promising to end the power dilemma by building gas-fuelled power stations.
The first phase of the 341 megawatt Mareb station, the largest of the new power station projects, was supposed to begin production last year, but did not because the Iranian company contracted to build it, Parsian High Voltage Substations Development Company, had difficulty getting the necessary equipment from Europe as a result of sanctions against Iran, Mr al Suqatri said.
“We are doing our best to enter the Mareb station into service in July. We have established an operation unit to ensure it is on time. The work is almost completed. I believe this station will end blackouts,” he said.
The $268m station is set to generate more than 1,200 megawatts a year. Yemen is turning to gas-powered stations for generating electricity because it is a cheaper option for a country with gas reserves of 259 billion cubic metres.
Taher Hizam, an economist, said he is not optimistic that Mareb will start operating next month.
“Since 2005 and they have kept telling us they will address this headache of power shortages this or that year. The work started in 2003 but they had problems with the implementing company. I am not optimistic.”
Mr Hizam said the intermittent power supply is not only affecting citizens and their businesses, but remains one of the major challenges for attracting foreign investment.
“Power deficiency is one of the main problems that pushes foreign investors away from coming to Yemen. I know a lot of Gulf businessmen who have been reluctant to invest in Yemen due to the electricity problem,” he said.
“I think if the government succeeds in completing the Mareb gas stations … the problem will be controlled and this will encourage foreign investments.”
Showing posts with label Yemen. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Yemen. Show all posts
Thursday, 11 June 2009
Friday, 8 May 2009
Three-year project helps Yemen’s battered women
SANA’A // When Katibah Awdhah asked her uncle for the rights to her father’s land and property because he was mentally ill, he locked her up in a small room under his home in Yemen’s mountainous district of Manakha.
For the past three years, Katibah’s mother, Nimah, has campaigned for her daughter’s release, appealing to village chiefs as well as officials in the capital, Sana’a, but to little avail.
“I have approached all social dignitaries of the village and appealed to them to interfere to get my daughter set free. No one listened to me as I am poor and helpless.
“Her uncle claims my daughter suffers from epilepsy and it would be shameful for the family to go out. If she is sick, she needs medication,” Nimah said.
The case of Katibah is just one example of an alarming trend of violence against women in Yemen, according to a non-governmental agency that has taken up her case.
The Sisters Arab Forum (SAF), a Yemeni NGO, has launched a three-year project to provide legal protection for women and child victims of violence. The project is funded by the Netherlands.
“This three-year programme is the first project of its kind in the sense it covers the whole of Yemen and offers psychological and legal support to victims of violence. It aims to provide better protection for women and children exposed to violence and sexual abuse,” said Majed al Madhaji, a SAF spokesman.
The US$700,000 (Dh2.6 million) project started in March and includes training, among others, prosecutors, police and social workers and mosque leaders as well as a review of current laws.
There will be 20 Yemeni lawyers to provide legal support to victims of violence. At a later stage, there will be a shelter to accommodate 15 women and their children.
Mr al Madhaji said another aim is to create a database of violent incidents during the first year that will enable them to assess the magnitude of violence against women and children. A 24-hour hotline set up to receive complaints from women and children has already taken dozens of calls and recorded 30 cases of alleged abuse.
“I am really amazed by the large number of women calling to complain about violence; most of the callers complain about domestic violence, including sexual harassment and beatings,” said Jamilah al Masnaee, a SAF programme officer.
“I am sure that many women tolerate this violence and do not report it due to the culture of shame,” Ms al Masnaee said.
The interior ministry reported 2,694 incidents of violence against women in 2007 – the most recent figures available – in which 130 women died (88 of them were premeditated murders while 24 were accidental) and 790 injuries.
According to a report on the status of women in 2007, there were 33 reported cases of rape, including 18 against underage girls.
The report, released in May 2008 by the governmental Women’s National Committee, also said a 2003 health survey found that five per cent of married women suffered domestic violence, most of which was beatings from their husbands, and 21.5 per cent of these happened apparently without any reason.
The report said about 54.3 per cent of cases of violence against women in 2007 occurred at home and were rarely reported to the police.
The report cited illiteracy, poverty and lack of respect for the law as primary elements behind the violence.
“There are different reasons; it is a combination of cultural and religious discourse that underestimates women. Some laws contain partial discrimination against women. The marginal position of women in power makes their voice faint,” said Rashidah al Hamdani, the chairwoman of the Women’s National Committee.
She pointed to a provision in the penal code that restricts sentencing a man who kills his wife or female relative after catching her in an adulterous situation to no more than a year in prison or a fine. There is no such provision for women who catch husbands having an affair.
“Such a provision is discriminatory and encourages domestic violence. We are still fighting against these legislations,” Mrs al Hamdani said.
The SAF programme tries to resolve conflict in the home first. However, in instances where the family refuses to co-operate, such as in Katibah’s case, SAF reports the incident to the interior ministry for prosecution.
“We have tried with Katibah’s uncle; we travelled to his remote area, but he refused to let us even see her. We had to inform the prosecution and we are still waiting for their response,” Ms al Masnaee said.
“The interior ministry responds positively when it comes to harassment of children, but for women, particularly if it is sexual abuse, they are a bit reluctant, maybe because of the mainstream belief that talking about such issues is a shame.”
Katibah’s mother, Nimah, said she has been allowed to see her daughter only once. “She was crying for help. This is all for land and property. This is haram.”
malqadhi@thenational.ae
For the past three years, Katibah’s mother, Nimah, has campaigned for her daughter’s release, appealing to village chiefs as well as officials in the capital, Sana’a, but to little avail.
“I have approached all social dignitaries of the village and appealed to them to interfere to get my daughter set free. No one listened to me as I am poor and helpless.
“Her uncle claims my daughter suffers from epilepsy and it would be shameful for the family to go out. If she is sick, she needs medication,” Nimah said.
The case of Katibah is just one example of an alarming trend of violence against women in Yemen, according to a non-governmental agency that has taken up her case.
The Sisters Arab Forum (SAF), a Yemeni NGO, has launched a three-year project to provide legal protection for women and child victims of violence. The project is funded by the Netherlands.
“This three-year programme is the first project of its kind in the sense it covers the whole of Yemen and offers psychological and legal support to victims of violence. It aims to provide better protection for women and children exposed to violence and sexual abuse,” said Majed al Madhaji, a SAF spokesman.
The US$700,000 (Dh2.6 million) project started in March and includes training, among others, prosecutors, police and social workers and mosque leaders as well as a review of current laws.
There will be 20 Yemeni lawyers to provide legal support to victims of violence. At a later stage, there will be a shelter to accommodate 15 women and their children.
Mr al Madhaji said another aim is to create a database of violent incidents during the first year that will enable them to assess the magnitude of violence against women and children. A 24-hour hotline set up to receive complaints from women and children has already taken dozens of calls and recorded 30 cases of alleged abuse.
“I am really amazed by the large number of women calling to complain about violence; most of the callers complain about domestic violence, including sexual harassment and beatings,” said Jamilah al Masnaee, a SAF programme officer.
“I am sure that many women tolerate this violence and do not report it due to the culture of shame,” Ms al Masnaee said.
The interior ministry reported 2,694 incidents of violence against women in 2007 – the most recent figures available – in which 130 women died (88 of them were premeditated murders while 24 were accidental) and 790 injuries.
According to a report on the status of women in 2007, there were 33 reported cases of rape, including 18 against underage girls.
The report, released in May 2008 by the governmental Women’s National Committee, also said a 2003 health survey found that five per cent of married women suffered domestic violence, most of which was beatings from their husbands, and 21.5 per cent of these happened apparently without any reason.
The report said about 54.3 per cent of cases of violence against women in 2007 occurred at home and were rarely reported to the police.
The report cited illiteracy, poverty and lack of respect for the law as primary elements behind the violence.
“There are different reasons; it is a combination of cultural and religious discourse that underestimates women. Some laws contain partial discrimination against women. The marginal position of women in power makes their voice faint,” said Rashidah al Hamdani, the chairwoman of the Women’s National Committee.
She pointed to a provision in the penal code that restricts sentencing a man who kills his wife or female relative after catching her in an adulterous situation to no more than a year in prison or a fine. There is no such provision for women who catch husbands having an affair.
“Such a provision is discriminatory and encourages domestic violence. We are still fighting against these legislations,” Mrs al Hamdani said.
The SAF programme tries to resolve conflict in the home first. However, in instances where the family refuses to co-operate, such as in Katibah’s case, SAF reports the incident to the interior ministry for prosecution.
“We have tried with Katibah’s uncle; we travelled to his remote area, but he refused to let us even see her. We had to inform the prosecution and we are still waiting for their response,” Ms al Masnaee said.
“The interior ministry responds positively when it comes to harassment of children, but for women, particularly if it is sexual abuse, they are a bit reluctant, maybe because of the mainstream belief that talking about such issues is a shame.”
Katibah’s mother, Nimah, said she has been allowed to see her daughter only once. “She was crying for help. This is all for land and property. This is haram.”
malqadhi@thenational.ae
Tuesday, 10 February 2009
Glories of Yemen in digital detail
SANA’A // It started as a graduation project: a multimedia platform to showcase Yemen’s heritage. But the idea caught the attention of the course organisers and the project has now taken on a new direction.
The three young women who came up with the idea – Aminah Al Ajamai, Lina al Maqtari and Abeer al Khashabi – all in their twenties, had taken part in a year-long course on experiential learning, networking, leadership and entrepreneurship skills run by the Youth Leadership Development Foundation (YLDF), a non-governmental organisation.
“We have discovered during our work how rich Yemen is with heritage and we decided to initiate a project aiming at preserving this rich heritage. What is unique about the project is using multimedia and that it is comprehensive in scope,” said Ms al Ajamai, the project manager.
The project aims to create an “electronic encyclopaedia” of Yemeni heritage in Arabic, English and French, both on CD and on the internet, through a mixture of words, photos and music.
“There are plenty of old books and documents on Yemen heritage but we want to present this knowledge in an interesting way on CDs and target as many people as we can. Nobody has done this before and we are proud of initiating this project,” Ms al Ajamai said.
So far the project has looked at the old city of Sana’a, including its architecture, urban planning, markets and old wall.
“Any passing-by visitor to the old city of Sana’a will find many things to astonish him, but he will not go deeper to find out the secrets behind, for instance, designs of buildings and how there are rooms for each season. Everything has a secret and this shows the genius of old Yemeni people. We are trying to revive this past so that it is not left behind,” she said.
It took seven months to complete the first phase, including meeting historians, researchers and long-time residents of Sana’a to verify the information.
“We planned three months, but because of conflicts between information we received and the scarcity of resources, it took more than double that time,” Ms al Khashabi said.
In the next phase, the three intend to document the folklore, dress and traditions of the people as well as other parts of the country.
“We are planning to cover Unesco world-preserved sites like Zabid in the south-west, Shibam in the north-east, Socotra island in the Indian Ocean and other historically significant cities and sites,” Ms al Khashabi said.
Ms al Maqtari said the project aims to build awareness among Yemenis of their heritage, as well as to promote the country as a tourist destination.
“I have been living in Sana’a for about 20 years but have never paid a visit to the old city of Sana’a. I was astonished and stunned by the architecture and everything around me looked amazing. I then realised our country is full of many precious things that require our attention. I understand it is important this message get through to everybody. Our motto has been ‘your heritage is your future’,” Ms al Maqtari said.
The digital heritage project was one of three that won US$1,000 (Dh3,670) from the YLDF.
“Our course objective is to prepare young people for their next endeavours, mainly as agents of change in the civil society,” said Antilak al Mutwakil, the head of the YLDF.
The women said financing the project was one of their biggest challenges as they were often promised funds that never materialised.
The first phase of the project cost about $12,000, most of which they had to pay out of their own pocket.
“The financial and logistical support we got was not enough and, therefore, we had to put money we had saved into the project as people did not have faith in the project or in our abilities as young entrepreneurs to do something worthwhile,” Ms al Khashabi said.
More than 2,000 CDs will be available after the official launch of the project within the next two months.
“We do not have a fixed time for launching the project but we expect it within two months at most,” Ms al Khashabi said.
After releasing a CD for each of Yemen’s historical cities, the women hope one of the villages will be a hub for tourism and entertainment as well as set up a tourism company.
“This project is pioneering. I think these CDs can play an important role in promoting tourism in Yemen and this is pride to all of us,” the YLDF’s Mrs al Mutwakil said.
The three young women who came up with the idea – Aminah Al Ajamai, Lina al Maqtari and Abeer al Khashabi – all in their twenties, had taken part in a year-long course on experiential learning, networking, leadership and entrepreneurship skills run by the Youth Leadership Development Foundation (YLDF), a non-governmental organisation.
“We have discovered during our work how rich Yemen is with heritage and we decided to initiate a project aiming at preserving this rich heritage. What is unique about the project is using multimedia and that it is comprehensive in scope,” said Ms al Ajamai, the project manager.
The project aims to create an “electronic encyclopaedia” of Yemeni heritage in Arabic, English and French, both on CD and on the internet, through a mixture of words, photos and music.
“There are plenty of old books and documents on Yemen heritage but we want to present this knowledge in an interesting way on CDs and target as many people as we can. Nobody has done this before and we are proud of initiating this project,” Ms al Ajamai said.
So far the project has looked at the old city of Sana’a, including its architecture, urban planning, markets and old wall.
“Any passing-by visitor to the old city of Sana’a will find many things to astonish him, but he will not go deeper to find out the secrets behind, for instance, designs of buildings and how there are rooms for each season. Everything has a secret and this shows the genius of old Yemeni people. We are trying to revive this past so that it is not left behind,” she said.
It took seven months to complete the first phase, including meeting historians, researchers and long-time residents of Sana’a to verify the information.
“We planned three months, but because of conflicts between information we received and the scarcity of resources, it took more than double that time,” Ms al Khashabi said.
In the next phase, the three intend to document the folklore, dress and traditions of the people as well as other parts of the country.
“We are planning to cover Unesco world-preserved sites like Zabid in the south-west, Shibam in the north-east, Socotra island in the Indian Ocean and other historically significant cities and sites,” Ms al Khashabi said.
Ms al Maqtari said the project aims to build awareness among Yemenis of their heritage, as well as to promote the country as a tourist destination.
“I have been living in Sana’a for about 20 years but have never paid a visit to the old city of Sana’a. I was astonished and stunned by the architecture and everything around me looked amazing. I then realised our country is full of many precious things that require our attention. I understand it is important this message get through to everybody. Our motto has been ‘your heritage is your future’,” Ms al Maqtari said.
The digital heritage project was one of three that won US$1,000 (Dh3,670) from the YLDF.
“Our course objective is to prepare young people for their next endeavours, mainly as agents of change in the civil society,” said Antilak al Mutwakil, the head of the YLDF.
The women said financing the project was one of their biggest challenges as they were often promised funds that never materialised.
The first phase of the project cost about $12,000, most of which they had to pay out of their own pocket.
“The financial and logistical support we got was not enough and, therefore, we had to put money we had saved into the project as people did not have faith in the project or in our abilities as young entrepreneurs to do something worthwhile,” Ms al Khashabi said.
More than 2,000 CDs will be available after the official launch of the project within the next two months.
“We do not have a fixed time for launching the project but we expect it within two months at most,” Ms al Khashabi said.
After releasing a CD for each of Yemen’s historical cities, the women hope one of the villages will be a hub for tourism and entertainment as well as set up a tourism company.
“This project is pioneering. I think these CDs can play an important role in promoting tourism in Yemen and this is pride to all of us,” the YLDF’s Mrs al Mutwakil said.
Sunday, 16 November 2008
The invisible victims of Yemen's war
The Yemeni government is committing gross human rights violations – yet the west stays silent
Far from her home village, which was bombed by government warplanes in May, Fatima spoke in a low voice that showed her fear of arrest. She was telling me why she had fled to Yemen's capital, San'a.
"The planes and helicopters attacked the rebels for seven hours, so we fled," she said. "We went back after two weeks but our house was totally destroyed, and some villagers had been killed by the government's bombs. We went to a different village but three weeks later army tanks attacked that village too, so we fled again and came back to San'a."
Fatima and up to 130,000 fellow Yemenis are the invisible victims of a war in the country's northernmost governorate of Sa'da that the Yemeni authorities would prefer you not to hear about. In its four-year conflict with armed rebels from an Islamist revivalist movement called "The Believing Youth," or Huthis, after their founder Husain al-Huthi, the government has banned journalists from the conflict zone. It has arbitrarily arrested those who report on civilian casualties and has cut off most mobile phone services in the region.
Worse still, the government has systematically prevented aid agencies from reaching tens of thousands of people in desperate need of food, water, shelter, and healthcare. About 60,000 of them, mostly women and children who sought refuge in the town of Sa'da, received limited help after the most recent round of fighting ended in July.
But the government earlier blocked all commercial traffic, including basic foods and fuel, a policy of collective punishment outlawed by international law. Today up to 70,000 additional people in need of help remain in remote areas where aid agencies still have little if any access. In some cases, the rebels have also blocked access by aid agencies
In preventing aid agencies from reaching civilians caught between the warring sides, Yemen has failed to respect its international legal obligations to ensure that Fatima and tens of thousands like her at risk from armed conflict obtain humanitarian aid essential to their survival.
Over the past years security forces have also arbitrarily detained hundreds of men not taking part in the fighting simply because they come from the same region as the rebels, locking them up without charge or trial. A number were detained as hostages to force relatives to surrender, or even because they were journalists who published stories about the conflict. In detaining hundreds of people without charge or trial, Yemen has violated its fundamental human rights obligations.
How has Yemen gotten away with it? Yemen's neighbor, Saudi Arabia, provides unquestioning support. More disturbing has been the public silence from the United States and European Union member states – countries that provide tens of millions of dollars in aid to Yemen. Their silence in the face of such serious human rights violations can only fuel instability in Yemen. When the West – concerned about the government's fragile hold on power in a country known to shelter al-Qaida militants – stays quiet about flagrant abuses occurring right under their noses, the Yemeni public sees them as siding with an abusive regime.
Those who provide aid should press Yemen's president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, to end arbitrary detention and to release the dozens of people still held without charge. And with the onset of cold weather, the government and the Huthis need to stop blocking the life-saving work of the humanitarian agencies that are essential to help women like Fatima and the tens of thousands of desperate invisible victims of Yemen's forgotten war.
Far from her home village, which was bombed by government warplanes in May, Fatima spoke in a low voice that showed her fear of arrest. She was telling me why she had fled to Yemen's capital, San'a.
"The planes and helicopters attacked the rebels for seven hours, so we fled," she said. "We went back after two weeks but our house was totally destroyed, and some villagers had been killed by the government's bombs. We went to a different village but three weeks later army tanks attacked that village too, so we fled again and came back to San'a."
Fatima and up to 130,000 fellow Yemenis are the invisible victims of a war in the country's northernmost governorate of Sa'da that the Yemeni authorities would prefer you not to hear about. In its four-year conflict with armed rebels from an Islamist revivalist movement called "The Believing Youth," or Huthis, after their founder Husain al-Huthi, the government has banned journalists from the conflict zone. It has arbitrarily arrested those who report on civilian casualties and has cut off most mobile phone services in the region.
Worse still, the government has systematically prevented aid agencies from reaching tens of thousands of people in desperate need of food, water, shelter, and healthcare. About 60,000 of them, mostly women and children who sought refuge in the town of Sa'da, received limited help after the most recent round of fighting ended in July.
But the government earlier blocked all commercial traffic, including basic foods and fuel, a policy of collective punishment outlawed by international law. Today up to 70,000 additional people in need of help remain in remote areas where aid agencies still have little if any access. In some cases, the rebels have also blocked access by aid agencies
In preventing aid agencies from reaching civilians caught between the warring sides, Yemen has failed to respect its international legal obligations to ensure that Fatima and tens of thousands like her at risk from armed conflict obtain humanitarian aid essential to their survival.
Over the past years security forces have also arbitrarily detained hundreds of men not taking part in the fighting simply because they come from the same region as the rebels, locking them up without charge or trial. A number were detained as hostages to force relatives to surrender, or even because they were journalists who published stories about the conflict. In detaining hundreds of people without charge or trial, Yemen has violated its fundamental human rights obligations.
How has Yemen gotten away with it? Yemen's neighbor, Saudi Arabia, provides unquestioning support. More disturbing has been the public silence from the United States and European Union member states – countries that provide tens of millions of dollars in aid to Yemen. Their silence in the face of such serious human rights violations can only fuel instability in Yemen. When the West – concerned about the government's fragile hold on power in a country known to shelter al-Qaida militants – stays quiet about flagrant abuses occurring right under their noses, the Yemeni public sees them as siding with an abusive regime.
Those who provide aid should press Yemen's president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, to end arbitrary detention and to release the dozens of people still held without charge. And with the onset of cold weather, the government and the Huthis need to stop blocking the life-saving work of the humanitarian agencies that are essential to help women like Fatima and the tens of thousands of desperate invisible victims of Yemen's forgotten war.
Wednesday, 15 October 2008
A welcoming tradition
To say visiting Sana’a is like taking a trip back in time doesn’t cut it – it’s more like jumping into a dizzyingly vibrant National Geographic photo spread.
The topsy-turvy mud-brick houses of the old city resemble gingerbread, complete with white “icing” in the form of plaster mouldings on top. Children run around in the streets calling out for you to take their picture. You will be welcomed to the point of absurdity as random Sana’ani men will stop to invite you for tea or sometimes to partake of their meal right on the street.
It seems there is nowhere in the world more inviting to foreigners, though Sana’a and Yemen in general have a much different image in the rest of the world.
Known to the news-reading public as the ancestral homeland of Osama bin Laden, Yemen tends to be neglected by tourists. Though it is bereft of the other countries’ oil wealth, it’s rich in human warmth and cultural heritage preserved in a way that doesn’t exist in the rest of the Gulf.
The most impressive and transporting part of Sana’a is the old city, home to a giant and bustling market that has existed at the site for more than 1,000 years. Wander through the alleyways and marvel at the items on display. By far my favourite is the spice souq, which has everything from bohoor (Arabian incense, a product that originated in Yemen) to the black sesame seeds used in bint as-sahn, a honey-drenched Yemeni desert. The vendors in the souq are used to photos, so feel free to snap away, but if there are Yemeni women nearby remember to ask beforehand for their permission.
While wandering near the spice souq you will smell something heavenly and meaty wafting your way. Take a quick jaunt to the open-air kebab restaurant in the middle of the Souq al Milh (Salt Souq) demarcated by hanging lights, well-known as the place to eat this favourite Arabian dish. Make sure to get sahawwik, a cumin-spiked Yemeni version of tomato salsa, to flavour your kebabs and wash it down with sweet cardamom tea, whisked to your table by young boys via wrought-iron cup carriers.
Next to the kebab restaurant is Ali Baba’s jewellery shop. The owners speak English well and accept credit cards, a rarity in Sana’a but a necessity if you are going to buy one of the store’s antique jambiya knives, the traditional daggers that Yemeni men wear on their waists.
The markets of the old city are bustling, but none more so than the khat market at Bab As-Sabah around 3pm. Khat, a legal but mildly narcotic leaf that Yemenis chew and then stuff in their cheeks for its mind-numbing juice, is a social institution.
In back of the military museum is a street full of restaurants, all packed with men. Though Yemeni women do not eat in these sort of establishments, foreign women are welcomed, and the best of them is Palestine restaurant, where the friendly waiter Hashem will hook you up with rashoosh, a huge, oven-hot flatbread, along with roasted chicken, foul (beans) or shakshooka, Yemeni vegetable-scrambled eggs.
Another adventure is the hammam, or communal steam bath. Men and women don’t go together – there are days for each sex. Make sure to buy a “kees”, a little black sloughing mitt, and definitely bring your own bath products. An hour or two is sufficient to sweat up properly then scrub down and remove all the dead skin you never knew you had. The place looks like the baths of Caracalla come to life, but don’t be afraid. Just make sure to enter the inner rooms to get the full benefit of the steam.
If you are in need of a little modernity after all of this, try Coffee Trader, an American-run spot with free wireless internet. The place is a nicer, less rushed Yemeni Starbucks – something the country has yet to import – with a lush garden terrace full of trees and wild rosemary bushes. Try the Snickers cappuccino or the properly creamy caramel latte.
You can impress the local English-speaking teenagers who hang out there by telling them how you know that coffee, as well as the term “mocha”, comes from the town of Al-Mokha on Yemen’s western coast. History comes alive indeed.
swolff@thenational.ae
Tuesday, 23 September 2008
Yemeni 10-year-old divorcee Nujood Ali goes back to school
Ali, who became an international celebrity after refusing to accept her marriage to a man three times her age and winning a divorce, is now back to a semblance of a normal life in Sana.
September 20, 2008
SANA, YEMEN — Still groggy, the schoolgirl brushed her hair, struggled to pull on her socks and snuggled into her school uniform: a green gown and a white head scarf.
By the time she gathered up her books and strapped on her backpack she was smiling and enthusiastic, her nervousness eclipsed by anticipation of the first day of class.
Like children across the world, 10-year-old Nujood Ali went back to school this month after a lengthy break. But Nujood hadn't been lazing about or playing hide-and-seek with her friends during the summer.
Instead, after she was pulled out of the second grade by her father earlier this year, she was married off to a man three times her age, who beat her and sexually abused her.
For many girls in this traditional society, where tribal custom and conservative interpretations of Islam dominate, that would have been the end of the story. But Nujood was outraged. She gathered up her courage and on the advice of an aunt went to court in April. She got the help of a lawyer and filed for divorce.
A judge quickly granted it.
And on Tuesday morning, the divorcee, possibly the world's youngest, once again became a schoolgirl.
"I'm very happy to be going back to school," she said, waiting in her ramshackle home for her younger sister Haifa to get ready. "I'm going to study Arabic, the Koran, mathematics and drawing. I will do that with my classmates and I will definitely make friends there."
Nujood's unusual story of rebellion made her an international celebrity. Since The Times wrote of her in June, CNN, Elle magazine and other international media have come to this mountaintop capital to chronicle her tale.
Hordes of nonprofit organizations offered to help her get back to school, some even willing to foot the bill to send her abroad or to a fancy private academy, though they ignored Haifa, Nujood's little sister and best friend.
In the end, Nujood opted for a small, government-run public school relatively close to her home. She would begin where she left off, starting the second grade again.
Even then, it wasn't easy. One teacher said she worried that Nujood might disturb other students by talking about her sexual experiences.
The night before she went to school, Nujood said she dreamed of notebooks, drawings and new friends.
"When I left school, I learned how to count from one to 100," she said. "Now, I am going to learn how to count until a million."
Nujood said she wanted to study hard, to be able to attend university and become a lawyer like Shada Nasser, the well-known Yemeni human rights advocate who helped her get her divorce.
The girl's experience, and her ambition, have even served as an inspiration to her parents, uneducated rural people who moved to the capital's outskirts a few years ago and say they married her off to protect her from the dangers of the city.
"We were never asked if we wanted to go to school when we were children," said her father, Ali Mohammed Ahdal, who has two wives and 16 children.
"If we had a choice, we would have loved to study like Nujood."
On Tuesday morning, Nujood and Haifa climbed into a yellow taxi paid for by an Italian aid group and drove through the capital's smog-choked streets, passing vendors of the mildly narcotic khat leaves and the occasional shepherd.
Outside the schoolhouse, Nasser stood waiting, eager to share a day she had anticipated. "I can't believe we finally made it," said the attorney, who agreed to drop the rest of her caseload to take up Nujood's cause after the girl showed up alone in a Sana courthouse in April.
Nujood and Nasser were welcomed by Njala Matri, the principal of the school in Rawdha, a lower-middle-class neighborhood along the road to the city's international airport.
"You are welcome here. You can feel at home," she said, smiling at Nujood.
Only about half of Yemeni girls attend primary school. Last year, one of the school's 1,200 girls, a 13-year-old, dropped out to marry, though the legal age of consent is 15. "Now, she's a mother," Matri said in dismay.
Women's rights activists say child marriage is part of a vicious circle. Girls drop out of school and bear too many children, contributing to Yemen's high female illiteracy and exploding birth rate.
But on Tuesday, Nujood stepped through the school's gates into a vast courtyard, disappearing into a swarm of noisy classmates. Some paid her no mind, while others approached the girl who had become a local and international media star.
"I am so excited," she said, playing nervously with her hands.
A bell sounded and the students quieted down, forming lines for roll call before shuffling into classrooms of about 50 students each.
Nujood took a seat in the third row, neither at the front nor the back of the classroom.
The teacher, dressed in an all-covering black abaya, hushed the students and began the day's lesson by asking them to recite the national anthem as well as passages from the Koran.
Small hands shot into the air.
"Who can recite the Surat al-Hamd?" the teacher asked, referring to the first chapter of the Koran.
She saw Nujood's hand, and called her name.
"Nujood?" she said.
Nujood stood up and began, ending with: "Show us the straight path. The path of those whom You have favored. Not the path of those who earn Your anger nor of those who go astray."
"May God bless you," said the teacher.
"Let's give her a round of applause."
The others clapped as Nujood sat down, a little girl once again.
daragahi@latimes.com
Special correspondent Minoui reported from Sana and staff writer Daragahi from Beirut.
NOTE: click on title to go to article source (LA Times and view a video of Nujood Ali
September 20, 2008
SANA, YEMEN — Still groggy, the schoolgirl brushed her hair, struggled to pull on her socks and snuggled into her school uniform: a green gown and a white head scarf.
By the time she gathered up her books and strapped on her backpack she was smiling and enthusiastic, her nervousness eclipsed by anticipation of the first day of class.
Like children across the world, 10-year-old Nujood Ali went back to school this month after a lengthy break. But Nujood hadn't been lazing about or playing hide-and-seek with her friends during the summer.
Instead, after she was pulled out of the second grade by her father earlier this year, she was married off to a man three times her age, who beat her and sexually abused her.
For many girls in this traditional society, where tribal custom and conservative interpretations of Islam dominate, that would have been the end of the story. But Nujood was outraged. She gathered up her courage and on the advice of an aunt went to court in April. She got the help of a lawyer and filed for divorce.
A judge quickly granted it.
And on Tuesday morning, the divorcee, possibly the world's youngest, once again became a schoolgirl.
"I'm very happy to be going back to school," she said, waiting in her ramshackle home for her younger sister Haifa to get ready. "I'm going to study Arabic, the Koran, mathematics and drawing. I will do that with my classmates and I will definitely make friends there."
Nujood's unusual story of rebellion made her an international celebrity. Since The Times wrote of her in June, CNN, Elle magazine and other international media have come to this mountaintop capital to chronicle her tale.
Hordes of nonprofit organizations offered to help her get back to school, some even willing to foot the bill to send her abroad or to a fancy private academy, though they ignored Haifa, Nujood's little sister and best friend.
In the end, Nujood opted for a small, government-run public school relatively close to her home. She would begin where she left off, starting the second grade again.
Even then, it wasn't easy. One teacher said she worried that Nujood might disturb other students by talking about her sexual experiences.
The night before she went to school, Nujood said she dreamed of notebooks, drawings and new friends.
"When I left school, I learned how to count from one to 100," she said. "Now, I am going to learn how to count until a million."
Nujood said she wanted to study hard, to be able to attend university and become a lawyer like Shada Nasser, the well-known Yemeni human rights advocate who helped her get her divorce.
The girl's experience, and her ambition, have even served as an inspiration to her parents, uneducated rural people who moved to the capital's outskirts a few years ago and say they married her off to protect her from the dangers of the city.
"We were never asked if we wanted to go to school when we were children," said her father, Ali Mohammed Ahdal, who has two wives and 16 children.
"If we had a choice, we would have loved to study like Nujood."
On Tuesday morning, Nujood and Haifa climbed into a yellow taxi paid for by an Italian aid group and drove through the capital's smog-choked streets, passing vendors of the mildly narcotic khat leaves and the occasional shepherd.
Outside the schoolhouse, Nasser stood waiting, eager to share a day she had anticipated. "I can't believe we finally made it," said the attorney, who agreed to drop the rest of her caseload to take up Nujood's cause after the girl showed up alone in a Sana courthouse in April.
Nujood and Nasser were welcomed by Njala Matri, the principal of the school in Rawdha, a lower-middle-class neighborhood along the road to the city's international airport.
"You are welcome here. You can feel at home," she said, smiling at Nujood.
Only about half of Yemeni girls attend primary school. Last year, one of the school's 1,200 girls, a 13-year-old, dropped out to marry, though the legal age of consent is 15. "Now, she's a mother," Matri said in dismay.
Women's rights activists say child marriage is part of a vicious circle. Girls drop out of school and bear too many children, contributing to Yemen's high female illiteracy and exploding birth rate.
But on Tuesday, Nujood stepped through the school's gates into a vast courtyard, disappearing into a swarm of noisy classmates. Some paid her no mind, while others approached the girl who had become a local and international media star.
"I am so excited," she said, playing nervously with her hands.
A bell sounded and the students quieted down, forming lines for roll call before shuffling into classrooms of about 50 students each.
Nujood took a seat in the third row, neither at the front nor the back of the classroom.
The teacher, dressed in an all-covering black abaya, hushed the students and began the day's lesson by asking them to recite the national anthem as well as passages from the Koran.
Small hands shot into the air.
"Who can recite the Surat al-Hamd?" the teacher asked, referring to the first chapter of the Koran.
She saw Nujood's hand, and called her name.
"Nujood?" she said.
Nujood stood up and began, ending with: "Show us the straight path. The path of those whom You have favored. Not the path of those who earn Your anger nor of those who go astray."
"May God bless you," said the teacher.
"Let's give her a round of applause."
The others clapped as Nujood sat down, a little girl once again.
daragahi@latimes.com
Special correspondent Minoui reported from Sana and staff writer Daragahi from Beirut.
NOTE: click on title to go to article source (LA Times and view a video of Nujood Ali
Monday, 18 August 2008
Yemeni writer accuses Saudi Arabia of engineering Mauritanian coup
There we go again! It just seems that the Arabs have the worst misconception about what men in uniform, military or just even those who are on guard duty should really be doing, which has nothing to do with taking the helms of authority in their homelands to satisfy their immature lust for power. In the poorest of the poor countries, the military brass and the security muggers seem to think that they have an open mandate to keep their people under repression and deprivation, while they exercise the worst examples of governance anyone has come up with.
Needless to say, it is not an inescapable secret that what prompted the generals of Mauritania to come wrest their people of their God given and hard won freedom and democracy is that bastion of anti-democratic maturity, were the Bedouins who have been the enemies of all oppressed people in the region from the Atlantic to the Gulf (Persian that is, according to the standard definition of "Gulf", as much as it is to the dislike of our Northern neighbours). Yes, from Yemen to the Sudan and now to Mauritania, there is no doubt in the observer's intuition that our beloved northern neighbours have a hobby of pouring their dough on the barracks of deprived soldiers, who are all of a sudden awash with hundred dollar bills, which they could never in the past dream of seeing with their very eyes, let alone holding in their very hands! Time and again, the Saudi penchant for overthrowing democratic regimes, before they have a chance to get off the ground has sprung up again in the far corner of the Maghreb Al-Arabi to ensure that the model democracy initiated by Col. Ely Ould Mohamed Vall, who took over at Nouakchott to free Mauritania from a previous oppressive military regime to herald his country onto the path of righteous government: for the people, by the people and for the eternal welfare of the people -a distant cry from the idea of governance as the Saudis understand it.
Surely the middle level ousted officers, who now make up the ruling Junta in Nouakchott had an agenda in their minds long before their ouster by the rightfully elected legitimate President of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, and there is very little to convince the observer otherwise than that this is indeed a coup that was planned in the plush meeting rooms of the scheming luxurious Government buildings of the House of Saud, who wish to be known as the "Servants of the Two Sanctified Homes of Allah (Mecca and Medina)". They may have also been assisted elsewhere, at the covert operations rooms of their Western Masters.
Really now, it has come time to call a spade a spade in this region and for all intents and purposes there is very little to go on to try to free the Saudis from the havoc in governance that has plagued this region. We can even understand how the Saudis might be nervous about any democratic developments knocking at the gates of Riyadh. But, for Heaven's sake can't our Saudi brothers mind their own business when it comes to the running of affairs in other Arab states? It is bad enough that the regime in Riyadh is on the "watch list" of every advocacy group in the world for their notorious contempt for human rights and even religious freedom (including the intolerance against their fellow Moslems!) at home and abroad. If the people of Saudi Arabians are content with this facade of do-goodness that characterizes the Saudi regime, all is well and dandy.
But why should the regime in Riyadh find it appetizing to meddle in the affairs of sovereign states by taking advantage of their power hungry and formerly food hungry generals, who take it upon themselves to despoil the scanty resources of their own countries after having been tempted by the scanty bag loads of dollar bills delivered to them for their cooperation with the Saudi regime in removing this hated phenomenon in their vocabulary called democratic government.
Surely, the Saudis have proven that they are not capable of managing this vast wealth that has been given to them as a burden from the Lord t o further make them eligible for hell. After all, aren't they responsible for their wasteful plunder of the resources of their people and all Moslems of the world? They could have made a good name for themselves in more attractive ways by investing these resources to help harness the energies of the people of Yemen, the Sudan, Mauritania, Afghanistan, Chechnya, Lebanon, Pakistan and elsewhere where the Saudi penchant for evil has been allowed to instil suffering and agony, just so Moslems and Arabs should forget about the idea of democratic rule. The problem with the Saudis, like the Israelis and all other oppressive regimes, is that democracy is their worst enemy. It was democracy that produced Hezbollah and it was democracy that was going to wrest the Sudan, Mauritania and Yemen, and many other states that had great potential if they had their house in order.
But alas, the Saudi monarchy saw any such developments as feeding grounds for unrest in their own turf, or simply playgrounds, where they could threw a few pennies to some eager half naked soldiers to take on the job of bringing pain and distress to their very own people while being operated on by remote control keys from Riyadh. Look at how pathetic all these states are and one can see why the observer is not at all delighted by the turn of events in Mauritania.
To help the reader get prepared, Saudi Arabia saw no qualms in assuring the death of Benazir Bhutto to make way for the re-rise of Nawaz Sharif, who brought on the Taleban and all the mess that Central Asia is going through now. Just wait and see!
- Hassan Al-Haifi has been a Yemeni political economist and journalist for more than 20 years.
Source: Yemen Times Online website, Sanaa, in English 14 Aug 08
Needless to say, it is not an inescapable secret that what prompted the generals of Mauritania to come wrest their people of their God given and hard won freedom and democracy is that bastion of anti-democratic maturity, were the Bedouins who have been the enemies of all oppressed people in the region from the Atlantic to the Gulf (Persian that is, according to the standard definition of "Gulf", as much as it is to the dislike of our Northern neighbours). Yes, from Yemen to the Sudan and now to Mauritania, there is no doubt in the observer's intuition that our beloved northern neighbours have a hobby of pouring their dough on the barracks of deprived soldiers, who are all of a sudden awash with hundred dollar bills, which they could never in the past dream of seeing with their very eyes, let alone holding in their very hands! Time and again, the Saudi penchant for overthrowing democratic regimes, before they have a chance to get off the ground has sprung up again in the far corner of the Maghreb Al-Arabi to ensure that the model democracy initiated by Col. Ely Ould Mohamed Vall, who took over at Nouakchott to free Mauritania from a previous oppressive military regime to herald his country onto the path of righteous government: for the people, by the people and for the eternal welfare of the people -a distant cry from the idea of governance as the Saudis understand it.
Surely the middle level ousted officers, who now make up the ruling Junta in Nouakchott had an agenda in their minds long before their ouster by the rightfully elected legitimate President of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, and there is very little to convince the observer otherwise than that this is indeed a coup that was planned in the plush meeting rooms of the scheming luxurious Government buildings of the House of Saud, who wish to be known as the "Servants of the Two Sanctified Homes of Allah (Mecca and Medina)". They may have also been assisted elsewhere, at the covert operations rooms of their Western Masters.
Really now, it has come time to call a spade a spade in this region and for all intents and purposes there is very little to go on to try to free the Saudis from the havoc in governance that has plagued this region. We can even understand how the Saudis might be nervous about any democratic developments knocking at the gates of Riyadh. But, for Heaven's sake can't our Saudi brothers mind their own business when it comes to the running of affairs in other Arab states? It is bad enough that the regime in Riyadh is on the "watch list" of every advocacy group in the world for their notorious contempt for human rights and even religious freedom (including the intolerance against their fellow Moslems!) at home and abroad. If the people of Saudi Arabians are content with this facade of do-goodness that characterizes the Saudi regime, all is well and dandy.
But why should the regime in Riyadh find it appetizing to meddle in the affairs of sovereign states by taking advantage of their power hungry and formerly food hungry generals, who take it upon themselves to despoil the scanty resources of their own countries after having been tempted by the scanty bag loads of dollar bills delivered to them for their cooperation with the Saudi regime in removing this hated phenomenon in their vocabulary called democratic government.
Surely, the Saudis have proven that they are not capable of managing this vast wealth that has been given to them as a burden from the Lord t o further make them eligible for hell. After all, aren't they responsible for their wasteful plunder of the resources of their people and all Moslems of the world? They could have made a good name for themselves in more attractive ways by investing these resources to help harness the energies of the people of Yemen, the Sudan, Mauritania, Afghanistan, Chechnya, Lebanon, Pakistan and elsewhere where the Saudi penchant for evil has been allowed to instil suffering and agony, just so Moslems and Arabs should forget about the idea of democratic rule. The problem with the Saudis, like the Israelis and all other oppressive regimes, is that democracy is their worst enemy. It was democracy that produced Hezbollah and it was democracy that was going to wrest the Sudan, Mauritania and Yemen, and many other states that had great potential if they had their house in order.
But alas, the Saudi monarchy saw any such developments as feeding grounds for unrest in their own turf, or simply playgrounds, where they could threw a few pennies to some eager half naked soldiers to take on the job of bringing pain and distress to their very own people while being operated on by remote control keys from Riyadh. Look at how pathetic all these states are and one can see why the observer is not at all delighted by the turn of events in Mauritania.
To help the reader get prepared, Saudi Arabia saw no qualms in assuring the death of Benazir Bhutto to make way for the re-rise of Nawaz Sharif, who brought on the Taleban and all the mess that Central Asia is going through now. Just wait and see!
- Hassan Al-Haifi has been a Yemeni political economist and journalist for more than 20 years.
Source: Yemen Times Online website, Sanaa, in English 14 Aug 08
Friday, 8 August 2008
Divorcées à 8 et 9 ans
Yémen
Deux petites Yéménites partagent un gâteau. Il ne s'agit pas d'un goûter d'enfants, mais de fêter leur divorce. Car Nojoud, 8 ans, et Arwa, 9 ans, mariées de force, ont eu le courage de porter plainte et, surtout, la chance d'être entendues par la justice. Selon le Centre d'études sur les femmes de l'université de Sanaa, plus de la moitié des jeunes mariées yéménites auraient moins de 15 ans, l'âge légal. Et elles n'ont souvent qu'à peine 12 ans dans les régions rurales, où monnayer leur mariage est coutumier pour les familles pauvres. En toute impunité pour les parents ou les époux, qui se contentent d'établir un contrat stipulant que les relations sexuelles seront interdites avant l'âge légal. Mariée depuis deux mois, Nojoud vivait un véritable cauchemar. Elle s'est rendue seule au tribunal. Un juge l'a recueillie et a organisé un procès très médiatisé. Son cas a fait jurisprudence. Arwa en a bénéficié. Elles rêvent de s'asseoir sur un banc d'école.
Deux petites Yéménites partagent un gâteau. Il ne s'agit pas d'un goûter d'enfants, mais de fêter leur divorce. Car Nojoud, 8 ans, et Arwa, 9 ans, mariées de force, ont eu le courage de porter plainte et, surtout, la chance d'être entendues par la justice. Selon le Centre d'études sur les femmes de l'université de Sanaa, plus de la moitié des jeunes mariées yéménites auraient moins de 15 ans, l'âge légal. Et elles n'ont souvent qu'à peine 12 ans dans les régions rurales, où monnayer leur mariage est coutumier pour les familles pauvres. En toute impunité pour les parents ou les époux, qui se contentent d'établir un contrat stipulant que les relations sexuelles seront interdites avant l'âge légal. Mariée depuis deux mois, Nojoud vivait un véritable cauchemar. Elle s'est rendue seule au tribunal. Un juge l'a recueillie et a organisé un procès très médiatisé. Son cas a fait jurisprudence. Arwa en a bénéficié. Elles rêvent de s'asseoir sur un banc d'école.
Saturday, 5 July 2008
Can a weed really destroy a country? Yes
The Roman Empire fell as a result of the rise of Christianity, the greatest religious force humanity had ever known. The modern day powerhouse that is the United States faces giant challenges from within and outside its borders, including the re-emergence of China. And the once great empire of Yemen is continuing its slow fall into decay, because of a plant.
Catha edulis or qat, as it is known in this poverty-stricken corner of the gas- and oil-rich Arabian Peninsula, is a wicked weed that has the country in its addictive grip. Qat is categorised as a mildly narcotic leaf that when chewed for long periods of time induces euphoria, hallucination and constipation.
Yemen’s GDP, the value of goods and services produced annually, recently crossed the US$20 billion (Dh73.5bn) milestone, making it roughly three times smaller than the economy of Dubai. Its economy and society are beset with a long list of troubles that could prove a recipe for disaster.
A growing population, currently standing at 23 million, is projected to cross 60 million by 2050, adding ever more pressure on the country’s dwindling natural resources. Unemployment currently hovers around 30 per cent, equivalent to the illiteracy rate.
Its annual renewable water resources stand at four cubic kilometres, a quarter of that of Somalia, yet the country consumes six cubic kilometres of water per year, double the rate in 1990. Only eight per cent of Yemen’s water resources go to domestic and industrial use, with the 92 per cent remaining serving what should be a vibrant agricultural economy. However, the agricultural sector only makes up 12 per cent of the economy and yet employs 64 per cent of the population – a vast majority of the population works in a sector that constitutes a vast minority of the GDP.
Have you ever wondered where the word for mocha coffee comes from? It’s from the name of the 400-year-old Red Sea port of Al Mukha, a once-vibrant trading hub that exported coffee to as far away as England and Holland. Today, this sleepy town boasts one lonely coffee exporting business and has fallen into disrepair along with its infrastructure. But can a single plant truly be responsible for the continuous decline of an entire nation? The short answer is, yes.
In a country where between 70 per cent and 90 per cent of the population chew qat, in an exercise that takes up to eight hours a day, it is no wonder that productivity is so very low. Users claim that the effects of chewing qat can last up to 24 hours with chewing sessions starting at 2pm, the end of the working day, and lasting until the late hours of the night. Today, 40 per cent of Yemen’s depleting water resources are used for the irrigation of qat, with production increasing at 10 per cent annually.
As a result of the mismanagement of the water resources and the collapsing water basins, a government minister told Reuters earlier this year that the situation has become “so severe it cannot be reversed, only delayed at best”. The spread of this un-exportable weed has additionally caused the decline in coffee, fruit and vegetable plantations – a once healthy and profitable trade.
The status quo of the failed state of Yemen is yet anther clear example of the Gulf states doing too little, too late. For three decades these wealthy monarchies have seen their neighbour go down a spiral that can no longer be ignored. Yemen ranks in the third quartile of the most corrupt nations according to the Index of Economic Freedom; inflation is at a high of 18 per cent; the enforcement of property rights is inadequate; the government influences the judiciary, and there is a growing risk of terrorism.
The Gulf has recently taken notice of the dire situation and decided to include Yemen in its football league as well as its ineffective health council. Sadly, that is about all. For Yemen, the GCC has taken the same policy route of “high fences make good neighbours” that it has taken with Iraq.
The Gulf should instead treat Yemen like a drug-addicted brother and take it to a rehabilitation centre. After all, a drug addict rarely admits to his addiction. In the meantime, the UN Development Programme estimates that water will finally run out in Yemen in 15 to 20 years time, coinciding with the country’s population reaching 36 million.
The Gulf, whose $1 trillion worth of projects should be completed by then, will face the prospect of an unprecedented influx of refugees who will arrive by land and sea, leaving behind an inhospitable, dry and arid land in search of the El Dorado that lies on the other side of the Empty Quarter. I doubt that we are prepared for them all.
Sultan Al Qassemi is a Sharjah-based businessman and graduate of the American University of Paris. He is the founder of Barjeel Securities in Dubai and Chairman of the Young Arab Leaders in the UAE
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
