So Far from Allah, So Close to Mexico: Middle Eastern Immigrants in Modern Mexico/Another Arabesque: Syrian-Lebanese Ethnicity in Neoliberal Brazil

Book Reviews:

Teresa AlfaroVelcamp: So Far from Allah, So Close to Mexico: Middle Eastern Immigrants in Modern Mexico. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2007. Maps, appendixes, bibliography, index, 272 pp.; paperback $24.95.

John Tofik Karam, Another Arabesque: Syrian-Lebanese Ethnicity in Neoliberal Brazil. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2007. Glossary, bibliography, 214 pp.; hardcover $68.50, paperback $24.95.

Teresa Alfaro-Velcamp introduces us to a world that is a bridge between the Middle East, Mexico, and the United States. Her book is the result not only of extensive research in official documents of the Archivo General de la Nacion but also of many interviews in different municipalities in Mexico, the United States, and even Lebanon, her native country. She also has consulted secondary archives, such as those in the Lebanese Emigration Research Center at Notre Dame University in Lebanon, one of the most important centers on the Lebanese diaspora in the world; and the archives of different families, municipalities, and libraries, such as that of Mexico's Universidad Iberoamericana.
It was not until 1926 that the process of registering immigrants started in Mexico, meaning that before that year the data from the secretaria de Gobernacion are not very reliable. Deceased immigrants before 1926 do not appear in the archive's documents, and many of the assimilated foreigners did not register when they were illegal. This explains the debate over who was the first Lebanese immigrant to come to Mexico. Alfaro-Velcamp sustains the well-known thesis of Father Boutros Rafoul (who does not appear in the foreigners' archives) as the beginner of Middle Eastern migration to Mexico in 1878. However, the name that appears in the archives is Antonio Budib, who arrived in Mexico the same year and who was not mentioned in previous work on the Lebanese in Mexico. Emphasizing the existence of the Rev. Boutros Rafoul largely reflects the knowledge that most of the Lebanese who came to Mexico were Christians. That a priest initiated the process therefore holds symbolic value.
So Far from Allah, So Close to Mexico offers very interesting insights into the history of meso-oriental migration to Mexico. Most of the published works on this topic are pamphlets or very subjective pieces that are limited in their exposition of the Lebanese migration, not scientific studies written under a rigorous methodological apparatus. Alfaro-Velcamp closes her work with an interesting double reflection related to the integration of the Arab community in Mexican society, using the examples of telecommunications magnate Carlos Slim HeIu and her own great-uncle. For Arabs integrated into the national elite, the reference to foreign origin is part of the successful model of the immigrant. This is why Slim HeIu emphasizes his Mexican-Lebanese origins. On the other hand, middleclass Arabs feel completely Mexican, a sentiment the author's great-uncle expresses with no reference to his Middle Eastern origin.
Alfaro-Velcamp's work does contain some mistakes. When she mentions that the Arabic used by nineteenth-century immigrants in their letters cannot be easily read using modern Arabic, she demonstrates some misunderstanding of the language. Unlike many Western languages, Arabic has not been modified in centuries. The language used currently in literary work is the same language in which the Quran was written. In relation to Mexico, the author mentions that the arrival and settlement of immigrants in Torreon stemmed from their interest in being near the Tarahumara zone for commercial purposes. However, La Laguna is far from the Sierra Tarahumara, which is located very near the state capital, Chihuahua. Also, the author mentions the "Tarahumaras and the Rarámuris" when the latter refers to the name Tarahumara; therefore it is the same group.
On the debate regarding the number of immigrants' letters found in the Archivo General, there is actually no great difference of opinion. Alfaro-Velcamp worked with 8,240 letters from immigrants who came from the Middle East (Lebanon, Palestine-Israel, Syria, Iran, the Ottoman Empire-Turkey, etc.). Other published works are based on the use of 7,533 letters from immigrants from all over the Middle East except Iran and Turkey (as they are not Arab countries) and the Palestinian population. Counting the 663 letters from Palestinians, there are really 8,196 letters, a number very close to the 8,240 Alfaro-Velcamp uses, which includes the Iranian and Turkish population.
The second debate is more methodological: the designation "Middle Easterners." Alfaro-Velcamp prefers the term Middle Easterners to avoid the word Arab, which has been the object of many prejudices since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. However, the term Middle Easterners does not seem very precise, as it includes Iran, Turkey, and the Arab Levant. When the author refers to Armenia, there seems to be a historical mistake: the population she describes could not have come from this country, because it did not exist at the time, but was part of Turkey. The Armenians' arrival after 1920 took place precisely after the massacres during the First World War.
Alfaro-Velcamp worked specifically on the population of Arab origin in the Middle East and not the meso-oriental population in general. The fear of using the word Arab also comes from Lebanese prejudices. The Lebanese population emphasized their "Phoenician" origin to avoid thinking of themselves as Arabs. They even spoke of their language as "Lebanese." Further confusing matters, the term Arab is very ambiguous: it refers to the language and also to the ethnic group, as well as to culture and a political position. On the other hand, it is more accurate when it is used in reference to the populations that have arrived from the Middle East and are Arabic speakers. It is precisely on this basis that the classification of the cards in the General Archive of the Nation is organized.
The title of the book seems unfortunate. When Porfirio Diaz said "so far from God, so near the United States," he was talking about the Mexican population. Immigrants are not "so close to Mexico"; they are in Mexico, in the same country. The term would be more accurate to refer to the Arab population in the United States, not in Mexico. Despite such quibbles, this book is a valuable contribution to the understanding of a community that has consolidated as one of the most influential not only in the economic sphere (this is even more evident since Carlos Slim HeIu became in 2007 the richest man in the world, not only in Latin America) but also in the political sphere, with some governors, cabinet members, and mayors now on duty in Mexico.
The book by John Tofik Karam argues that there was an intensification process in the Syrian-Lebanese ethnic project in neoliberal Brazil from the 1970s on. This was due to the consolidation of this community in the economic, political, social, and cultural contexts of the country. According to the author, second- and third-generation Syrian-Lebanese have been essential in this process because they have achieved a clearer definition of the ethnic project that not only integrates them into the day-to-day context of life, but also places them in relevant positions in the public sphere (individual examples are in politics, business, and the mass media).
That privileged place is what the author deems the characteristic of being "Arabesque" in the Brazilian context. By approaching his investigation from an anthropological perspective, Karam contributes to understanding the Syrian-Lebanese phenomenon through time in Brazil. He also innovates in the use of "open ethnography" or, as he calls it, "ethnography without qualifiers." With this methodology, the author freely interacts with different members of society, including politicians, entrepreneurs, and common people, as he searches for a better understanding of how the Syrian-Lebanese identity conforms in Brazil.
The book contributes to the study of the relationship between ethic identity and nation construction by asking questions that go beyond the explanations derived from colonial logic. The author asks how the changes in the world system have changed the relations between the nation and the ethnic groups in it. He tries to understand how these relations have been modified in a context of change that led Brazil from being a protectionist country to a neoliberal one. Karam argues that ethnic identity was no longer considered a "peripheral" issue in the concept of the nation and that it came to occupy a privileged place.
In the first part of the book, Karam explains the stereotypical image placed on the Middle Eastern immigrants on their arrival and settlement in Brazil. The "Turks" were always seen as well skilled for commerce and trade, an identity that changed and became a more accepted part of Brazilian society as the country became more integrated into global markets. As a result, immigrants and their descendants have come to occupy privileged positions in the social and economic elite of the country.
There are limits, though, as the author notes the role of corruption associated with diverse leaders of Lebanese origin who hold public positions in Säo Paulo. For example, major Syrian-Lebanese political leaders were involved in a scandal in 1999-2000 that included kickbacks and cover-ups among political and business allies. In response to the negative press that followed, leaders proposed a celebration of Lebanese Independence Day. The event would showcase the most important achievements of some prominent Lebanese-most members of the second and third generations-and emphasize the important role that this community plays in Brazil.
Another indicator of the re-emergence of Syrian-Lebanese pride is how the community deals with the common moniker "Turk." Originally, the term had a negative, denigrating connotation: it was used to refer to immigrants from the Middle East who worked as minor-scale traders and had no influence in Brazilian society. This conception changed with the promotion of education in private institutions and later in prestigious universities. Many second- and third-generation Syrian-Lebanese immigrants became professionals in law and medicine, allowing them to position themselves in the circles of political power. Though these descendants are still referred to as Turks, the term has lost its pejorative meaning. Brazilians of Syrian-Lebanese heritage even use the term themselves today as a positive trait.
An acceptance of Arab culture in the Brazilian market has also taken place. The music, food, and diverse products have become an important part of Brazilian daily life, exemplifying the appropriation by one culture of the other. At the beginning, these cultural matters were marginalized, but today they have become popular commodities accepted not only by the elites but by the common masses. More concrete examples include the diverse schools that teach Arab dances, food chains (such as the 150 Habib franchises) or even soap operas (The Clone).
The historical perspective employed by Tofik Karam will interest not only academics seeking to understand an ethnic project in the context of economic openness and how it relates to the concept of nation, but also those readers who are willing to learn about a specific culture from different angles (cultural, political, economic). In addition, this book is organized in such a way that a person who is completely unfamiliar with the topic can explore and analyze it in the context of the current situation. Methodologically, the book provides an ethnographic perspective that proposes new forms of observation and data collection that are very relevant to social studies. As such, it will stand as one of the most useful in the field.
Copyright University of Miami Summer 2008 Zidane Zeraoui Instituto Tecnológico de Monterrey